A new law against protesting with bodies meets old habits in Rajasthan

Families continue to delay funerals and hold protest with bodies to seek relief, despite a 2023 law criminalising the practice.Hanumangarh, Rajasthan: On December 7, the Rajasthan government notified the Respect for Deceased Bodies Act, criminalising the use of a corpse as a tool of protest. The law makes it mandatory to conduct a funeral within 24 hours of death, barring limited exceptions such as a pending post-mortem or close relatives being outside the state. Blocking roads, holding on to a body to exert pressure, or delaying last rites can now invite one to five years of imprisonment and fines.The move targets a practice that has become routine in Rajasthan. After unnatural deaths, mourning is increasingly being followed by protest. Families often place bodies on roads or outside police stations and collectorate offices, refusing cremation until compensation or action is assured.Take for example a recent case in Sri Ganganagar. After a farmer died from electrocution caused by a snapped power line, villagers staged a two-day protest with the body. The funeral took place only after assurances of Rs 18 lakh in compensation from multiple agencies. Protest leaders openly said the family would have received nothing without agitation. Similar scenes played out in Hanumangarh after the death of a four-year-old at an anganwadi, where last rites were delayed until compensation and a job were promised.Such protests, seen after road accidents, electrocutions, medical negligence and workplace deaths, have become a familiar pressure tactic. The new law seeks to curb them, arguing that they disrupt public order and strip the dead of dignity.Villagers sit on a protest with the body of an accident victim in front of the police station in Goluwala, Hanumangarh district. (Photo: Balwinder Kharoliya)A protest with a precedentIn 2017, then Rajasthan Human Rights Commission chairperson Justice Prakash Tatia had ruled that using a dead body as a form of protest violates the dignity of the deceased. The observation came after the family of gangster Anandpal Singh, killed in a police encounter, refused to cremate his body for 19 days. In his order, Tatia had said a deceased person retains limited human rights, including the right to a dignified funeral. That right vests first with the immediate family and cannot be withheld for any other purpose, he had noted.Retired Indian Police Service officer Dilip Jakhar echoed this view. Preventing a funeral, he said, amounts to a violation of human dignity and human rights. Under the law, a dead body is not the property of anyone and the relatives may take custody only to perform the last rites. If they refuse to do so after a post-mortem examination, the police are empowered to carry out the cremation themselves. In practice, Jakhar said, this provision is rarely used. Large crowds often gather around the body, making enforcement difficult and raising the risk of law-and-order breakdowns.It was to address such situations that the Ashok Gehlot government passed the Rajasthan Bill on Respect for Deceased Bodies in July 2023. The law, which came into force in August that year, also penalises family members, organisations and political leaders who delay funerals due to social or political pressure, prescribing jail terms of up to five years. Although the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) opposed the Bill while in opposition, it did not amend it since coming to power and the long-pending rules were finally notified in December, 2025. Yet, the law – which came into force in 2023 – has done little to alter ground realities. Government data showed that between 2014 and 2018 alone, there were 82 instances of bodies being placed on roads as part of protests. Even after the Act came into force it has not yet disrupted a familiar pattern on ground. On November 26, 2025, after the murder of an elderly man in Harwani Sansarpur in Dungarpur district, villagers placed the body on the road in protest. The same day, the body of saint Purushottam Das Maharaj, found under suspicious circumstances at a temple in Jaipur’s Nimbi village, was kept at the premises during a day-long agitation.In Chittorgarh, the body of courier businessman and BJP leader Rameshchandra Inani was placed inside the district collectorate a day after he was shot dead on September 28, 2025. A month earlier, in Bundi district, the family of Sonu Singh Hada and members of the Karni Sena blocked the Kota-Udaipur highway with his body following his murder.Similar protests followed the deaths of a vegetable vendor in Beawar, accident victims in Tonk and Dausa, and a young man whose family kept his body outside a government hospital in Lalsot. Jakhar said that just the existence of law would not bring about a change. “If the Act exists, the police must implement it,” he told 101Reporters. “That is not happening.”Meanwhile, retired IAS officer SP Singh claimed that compensation is at the heart of these protests. “State assistance for accidental deaths is often as low as Rs 50,000,” he said. “Families are desperate, regardless of how the death occurred. Compensation should be need-based, and responsibility must be fixed on the department or agency at fault. Without accountability, these protests will continue.”Families continue to delay funerals and hold protest with bodies to seek relief (Photo - Balwinder Kharoliya)When protest brings no reliefProtesting with a body does not always lead to compensation or justice. In several cases, it ends with assurances that never materialise.On August 21, the family of Hansraj (35), a brick-kiln worker from Hardayalpur in Hanumangarh district, staged a protest outside the local police station after he died in a road accident. They demanded compensation and the arrest of the driver. After officials assured them of help, the family cremated the body the same evening.Nothing followed.Hansraj’s father, Gopiram Nayak (61), said his son had remained in a coma for two months, during which the family spent nearly Rs 15 lakh on treatment, borrowing money and mortgaging land. “We have not received a single penny yet,” he said. His brother Rahul Nayak added that Hansraj’s widow now works at the brick kiln to support two children. “We protested because influential people told us it was the only way. Once the body was cremated, no one listened.”Former officials say such assurances are often aimed at ending the protest rather than ensuring relief. The administration’s immediate priority is to have the body removed and last rites performed. Compensation, where applicable, follows a slow bureaucratic process in which district officials write to the state government, which sanctions funds in its own time. Whether a protest occurred or not makes little difference in what is ultimately paid.A similar story played out in Sri Ganganagar’s Rawla area. In October 2024, Jasveer Singh Raisikh (38) died a day after being released on bail, following his arrest for disturbing the peace. His family alleged custodial violence and demanded a murder case, Rs 25 lakh compensation and a government job for his son. They placed the body outside the police station for two days before cremating it after assurances.More than a year later, nothing has moved. “The viscera report has still not come,” Jasveer’s brother Boota Singh said. “Villagers collected about Rs 2 lakh for us but we have received nothing from the government.”Why the practice survivesThe use of bodies as protest is not a recent phenomenon. In 1962, Communist Party of India leader and Hanumangarh MLA Shopat Singh famously brought the body of Kurdaram Dhanak to Jaipur and placed it at the gates of the Rajasthan Assembly, alleging custodial killing. The episode is documented in Jan Nayak of Struggles, written by former CPI(Marxist) MLA Hetram Beniwal.What has changed is the frequency.Psychologist Dr Manish Baghla of Tantia University sees the trend as rooted in social anxiety rather than strategy alone. “This is not just about death,” he said. “Unnatural deaths heighten fear and uncertainty. Families bargain with grief because they fear what comes next…medical debt, loss of income, social pressure to ‘secure something’ before the moment passes.”Jakhar is less sympathetic. “Disrespecting a body is wrong from every perspective, be it moral, legal or religious,” he said.Since 2023, the Rajasthan Respect for Deceased Bodies Act has been invoked only in a handful of cases. In September 2023, around 200 people were booked under the Act in Sri Ganganagar’s Mahiyanwali village for blocking traffic with a body after a road accident. More than two years later, the investigation is still incomplete.A police officer, speaking on condition of anonymity, said such cases often stall due to political pressure. “On paper, investigations remain ‘ongoing’. In reality, they are frozen or withdrawn.”Caught between grief, desperation and a slow-moving system, families continue to use the only leverage they believe works. The law exists. What is missing is the will to enforce it and a system that offers relief without forcing the dead to become instruments of negotiation.Cover photo - Villagers sit on a dharna with a dead body in front of the police station in Goluwala, Hanumangarh district (Photo: Balwinder Kharoliya)

Fear and loathing in lower courts: The bail edition

Surendra Mohan Sharma, a retired district and session judge in Rajasthan, discusses the issue of judges shying away from granting bail to undertrials — something that former CJI Chandrachud has repeatedly called out — and how it is putting a strain on jail infrastructure Jaipur, Rajasthan: On several occasions, the former Chief Justice of India (CJI) DY Chandrachud has raised the issue of lower courts not granting bail to undertrial prisoners in time. As a result, those eligible for bail from lower courts have to approach the High Court, while those not granted bail there have to move the Supreme Court.101Reporters spoke to Surendra Mohan Sharma, a retired district and session judge in Rajasthan, to learn why judges of subordinate courts are hesitant in granting bail. Sharma started his career as a lawyer in Hanumangarh. In 2001, he became an additional district and sessions judge under the Rajasthan Higher Judicial Service. His first posting was in Bhilwara, followed by postings as an additional district judge in Sriganganagar, Sojat and Bikaner. He was promoted as a district and sessions judge in 2005, and was posted in Merta City, Karauli, Jaipur City, Jaipur Rural and Bharatpur. Sharma retired from Bharatpur in October 2018.Agreeing with the former CJI’s view on bail rejection by lower courts, Sharma said that judges in lower courts are troubled by an “unknown fear”. “They are apprehensive that if they provide bail, someone might accuse them of taking money or criticise them over some other issue. Nowadays, people keep complaining, so judges get notices from the HC. Fearing this, they walk on the safe side and consider it appropriate to reject the bail. Ideally, what should happen is that the judge should give orders fearlessly, but they are bound by the social environment,” he explained. Mangla Verma, a human rights lawyer and legal research expert, concurred. “Lower court judges often operate with significant fear and risk-aversion, worried that granting bail may expose them to allegations of corruption or being seen as soft on crime.” She highlighted that media scrutiny in sensitive cases further heightens this anxiety. As a result, many judges choose the safer option of rejecting bail, assuming higher courts can correct the decision. “Nowadays, the media runs parallel investigations. Judges feel that courts will be dragged into unnecessary things,” Sharma echoed.Retired justice Surendra Mohan Sharma (Photos sourced by Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Compounding this, police routinely oppose bail, and judges’ dependence on case diaries and police views leads to frequent, almost automatic, bail denials at the lower courts. “Police too frequently claim that granting bail will hinder the investigation, prompting judges to err on the side of caution. Heavy administrative burdens and staffing shortages add to this hesitation. With too few judges handling an overwhelming number of cases, making swift bail decisions can feel risky, and postponing or denying bail becomes the easier path,” said Verma.When it comes to data on how many bail applications are accepted or rejected in lower courts across different states, Verma said that the district-wise data collected by the National Judicial Data Grid hasn’t been analysed much, but observations show no significant difference between the number of grants vs. rejections. This serves to highlight the fact that the directive on bail as a rule is often ignored. The data also says that over 2,62,000 bail applications are pending in district courts across India.Better infrastructure and processesSection 479 of the Indian Civil Security Code (BNSS), 2023, allows courts to grant bail to first-time offenders who have served detention for a period extending up to one-third of the maximum period of imprisonment specified for that offence under that law. On this, Sharma said, “There is already a ruling of the Supreme Court that if someone has been in custody for one-third or half of the sentence, then he should be granted bail. Based on this order, at one time, so many bails were granted in many places that the jails started becoming empty.  Now it has been added as a section in the Act.""During my posting in Bharatpur and Karauli districts, I myself went to the jails there, took information and got many people who were imprisoned for a long time in petty cases out on personal bonds,” he added.   Not getting bail is not the only reason behind overcrowding in jails. There is a lack of infrastructure. Governments do not give proper budgets, and there is no expected improvement in jails. It has been so many years since these jails were built. “Just look at the Jaipur Central Jail. It was built during the time of the princely state and remains in the same condition to date. Not even four rooms were added to the building afterwards. Our jails have low capacity, but crimes have increased and hence the number of jail inmates.”“Not just that, even the number of judges is less compared to the population. Rajasthan HC has 50 judge postings, but the actual numbers never cross 35. The condition of the lower courts is even worse. The numbers are satisfactory only in a few districts. Moreover, there is a lack of infrastructure in all district courts. The governments do not have a budget for this. However, there is a proper infrastructure in the neighbouring states of Punjab and Haryana,” Sharma explained. Apart from structural improvements in the lower courts, another solution to this crisis is to treat remand proceedings as the first and fundamental filter to incarceration, according to Verma. “Magistrates should start putting real thought at the remand stage itself into whether this person should be arrested or not in the first place.” She argued that remand hearings are the place where many unnecessary arrests and long detentions are created. Strengthening judicial scrutiny at remand, enforcing Arnesh Kumar/Section 41A inquiries and requiring policing to justify arrests would reduce needless custody and downstream bail pressure, she emphasised.Acting with empathy instead of fearAccording to Sharma, lower courts should understand that bail is a rule and jail is an exception because the SC has been repeatedly saying this. At the same time, the HCs in respective states should tell the lower courts to work fearlessly. “The HCs should assure the lower courts that they will help out if false complaints come up, or inform them that the false complaints against lower court judges will be ignored. If the HCs provide such protection, lower courts will become fearless,” he suggested. “The Supreme Court has also warned many times against the tendency of calling the judges of the district courts to the HC when complaints come up before it. This practice is against the Judicial Magistrate Protection Act,” Sharma noted. Asked about how he treated bail applications while in service, Sharma claimed that he had been fearlessly granting bail. “Although people have made complaints against me, I have given relief that one deserves while adopting a humane and sensitive approach. Wherever I have been posted, the accused did not have to go to the HC,” he said emphatically. While refusing to divulge the incidents where complaints were raised against him, Sharma said, “I cannot tell you about any particular case, but there are around four such cases in which people complained. This happens with every judge.”Sharma’s reflections point to a deeper malaise in India’s criminal justice system — one where fear, public perception, and institutional inertia often override judicial discretion. As lakhs of undertrials languish in overcrowded prisons for want of timely bail, the principle that “bail is the rule and jail the exception” remains more aspirational than real. Bridging this gap will require not just legal reform but also cultural change within the judiciary — one that empowers judges at the lowest levels to act without fear, backed by structural support from higher courts and governments alike. Only then can India begin to address the chronic injustice of pretrial incarceration that continues to erode faith in its justice system.This story was originally published as a part of Crime and Punishment project in collaboration with Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy.Cover Photo - Representative image/ AI-generated using Canva

Forget reforms, children are fleeing juvenile homes in Rajasthan

Lack of positive environment, influence of gangs from outside make juvenile delinquents escape from correctional homes Hanumangarh, Rajasthan: Mukesh Kumar* was clueless until police showed up on his doorstep, wanting to know the whereabouts of his son Mahesh* (17). They told him that Mahesh had escaped from Hanumangarh Correctional Home on May 15. Mahesh was sent to the juvenile home following his arrest under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (POCSO) Act a year ago. “Even if he is punished, one day he will be released and will return home. However, if he runs away from there, I do not know what will happen to him. I want my child to be safe as long as he stays in the correctional home. His safety should be ensured there. He should not be able to run away anywhere,” said Kumar, who runs a small grocery shop.   “I am worried if someone will mislead him to commit another crime or if he will meet with some accident,” Kumar added. Along with Mahesh, another three suspected child molesters escaped from the juvenile home. They asked for water from the guard and threw chilli powder at him, before running away. In the last four years, five such incidents have been reported in Hanumangarh juvenile home.  According to information gathered from various sources, many similar incidents have been reported from Sriganganagar, Churu, Bikaner, Alwar, Tonk, Ajmer, Bharatpur, Dholpur, Jhunjhunu, Banswara, Jhalawar, Karauli, Jodhpur, Pali, Sirohi, Nagaur and Jaipur. As many as 108 children have fled from Jaipur in the last eight years. Of them, 43 children escaped in just one month.The battle for supremacy between different groups of children has also turned fatal in Jaipur juvenile home, where a juvenile delinquent was murdered in May 2022. The boy died due to head injuries in an attack with an iron rod.  “It is natural for children to make mistakes in childhood. Such children are not called criminals, but are addressed as children in conflict with the law. They are prosecuted under the Juvenile Justice Act. It gives them a chance to improve. In the spirit of reform, children are kept in reform homes. They are provided with good food and counselling, but recent incidents suggest that reform homes need a lot of improvement,” said Advocate Subhash Parihar, a former member of the Juvenile Justice Board in Hanumangarh.Advocate Subhash Parihar, a former member of the Juvenile Justice Board in Hanumangarh (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)When contacted, Umed Ali, the Assistant Director at Jaipur headquarters of the Child Rights Department (CRD), refused to share any information on children fleeing juvenile homes in the state. This correspondent then sent an e-mail to the department secretary, who also holds the charge of commissioner, but without a reply.  What is even more worrying is that runaway kids are involved in murders and firing in public places. Police investigation revealed that three juvenile delinquents who fled from Jaipur on February 12 were involved in the murder of Sachin Kumar, a scrap businessman in Rohtak, Haryana. Police found out that notorious gangster Lawrence Bishnoi was helping minors escape from juvenile homes so that they could be recruited into his gang.“After the murder, the children were planning to flee to Nepal. We got a tip-off, which helped us nab them at the Nepal border in the first week of March. Children are yet to be taken to Jaipur for interrogation and are in judicial custody in Haryana. More information will be available only after inquiry. Criminals are taking advantage of the immaturity of these children,” Amit Kumar, Deputy Commissioner of Police (West), Jaipur, told 101Reporters.Jaipur Police claimed that a runaway child was involved in the firing at Zee Club in the state capital at the behest of Lawrence gang. The firing happened when attempts to extort Rs 5 crore from the club owner did not materialise.Correctional Home in Hanumangarh (Photo - Himanshu Midha, sourced by Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Alarm bellsThe tendency of children becoming 'dons' in the reform homes of Rajasthan was brought to the notice of the government a decade ago itself. Naval Khan, the then superintendent of child reform home in Alwar, sounded alarm bells, but his words were not taken seriously. Currently the Assistant Director of CRD in Tonk, Khan told 101Reporters that the situation has become worse now. “Children aged above 18 are mostly the culprits in juvenile homes. Many times, when a person is caught after his bail is rejected, he is already 25 or 26. Yet, orders are issued to keep him in a juvenile home. There are also children caught in serious crimes such as robbery and murder. Such children should be shifted to jails, but they are kept in juvenile homes only,” Khan elaborated.Child rights activist Lata Singh believed that the main reason for children running away was non-resolution of cases for a long time. Under the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015, cases should be disposed of in six months, but it is taking years. Long confinement frustrates children. “Even delinquents aged 22 or 23 are lodged in juvenile homes. They take out their anger on small children,” she added.Taking suo motu cognisance of the incidents of escape, Rajasthan High Court (HC) on March 20 issued a notice to the Social Justice and Empowerment Department and the Jaipur Police Commissioner seeking factual reports and information on such incidents that happened in the last five years.When contacted, officials refused to provide information about the details of the report sent to the HC. However, Lata, who has been working with the police under Resource Institute for Human Rights, Jaipur, said the HC has been seeking such reports from time to time. “We have also been continuously raising our voice seeking improvement in the condition of juvenile homes. The government claims to be making efforts for comprehensive reforms, but these are only on paper. Nothing happens on the ground.”She said notorious gangs have gained access to juvenile homes. “Gangsters are instigating children to commit crimes by saying that they will get less punishment.”According to Lata, children have access even to drugs in reform homes. A video from Bharatpur's juvenile home went viral some time ago, in which children were seen consuming liquor, and smoking cigarettes and smack. In the video, children were saying that there was no shortage and everything they wanted was available. “There is a lack of a positive environment for reforming children in juvenile homes. Even though there are arrangements for good food, accommodation and smart TV, they are still hostages,” said Jitendra Goyal, Chairman, Child Welfare Committee, Hanumangarh.Trial and punishmentAs many as 3,887 children have been presented before the Juvenile Justice Board in Rajasthan under Sections 363 and 376 of the Indian Penal Code and various sections of POCSO Act from January 1, 2019, to December 31, 2023, according to a government reply in the State Assembly. Of them, 850 were convicted, while 1,880 are under trial. The government has not given any information about the rest 1,157, but many of them would have been acquitted or released on bail. Of the 3,887 children, 276 were in the 12 to 14 age category, 1,126 children in the 14-16 category and 2,485 in the 16-18 category. Many of the children who were in the 16-18 age group are now more than 18 years old. “If a child above 12 years of age commits a crime, he can be prosecuted under the Juvenile Justice Act, 2015. Under this Act, crimes are divided into three categories: minor, serious and heinous. The punishment of children is determined by the category of crime they have committed. Under the Act, a maximum punishment of three years is possible for children from 12 years up to the age of 16, even for heinous crimes," Mohammad Mushtaq Joiya, senior advocate, Hanumangarh, told 101Reporters.For those in the 16-18 age bracket, sentences can be different. After the Nirbhaya case, the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000, was amended to create a new category of juvenile offenders aged 16 to 18 under the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015. Under this, for heinous crimes, children in the 16-18 age group can be tried as adults. Heinous crimes include those crimes in which a minimum punishment of seven years or more can be given. Section 21 of the Juvenile Justice Act, 2015, reads: “Order that may not be passed against a child in conflict with law — no child in conflict with law shall be sentenced to death or for life imprisonment without the possibility of release, for any such offence, either under the provisions of this Act or under the provisions of the Indian Penal Code (45 of 1860) or any other law for the time being in force.” This means the child cannot be given the death penalty and cannot be sentenced to life imprisonment without the possibility of release. Jitendra Goyal explaining the key suggestions (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Key suggestionsAccording to Jitendra Goyal, children in reform homes should be kept engaged through various types of training (for example computer training) and cultural education.   Deshraj Singh, a child rights activist talking about the incidents of fleeing juveniles (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Emphasising the need for creative activities, child rights activist Deshraj Singh, currently working with NGO Bachpan Bachao Andolan, said: “When incidents of fleeing and fights increased in the juvenile home of Alwar, we connected the children with yoga, computer training and studies. Things began to fall in place since then. Taking note, the then department principal secretary had issued instructions to carry out such activities in the entire state, but no steps were taken in this direction.”Rajasthan Child Protection Commission former chairperson Sangeeta Beniwal said the government should tighten security and monitoring in correctional homes to prevent children from fleeing and criminal elements from outside contacting them. “There is a shortage of security guards in correctional homes. All the security personnel are on contract. They do not care. If the security guards are employed permanently, they will have the fear of losing their job if they are negligent and will work responsibly.”“Children who commit crimes unknowingly and those with a persistent criminal background should be treated separately in reform homes. Both should be counselled separately. Children should be kept busy through awareness or skill development camps because an empty mind is the devil's workshop,” she added.Parihar, however, said that only police deployment could ensure a safe environment for children.  Hanumangarh CRD Assistant Director Prema Ram told 101Reporters that they were not able to work smoothly as most of the posts in the correctional home were vacant. “The superintendent post remained vacant for 30 months, and was filled only on March 24. At present, the posts of caretaker and lower division clerk are vacant. There are six guard posts, two of which are vacant due to non-availability of ex-servicemen. Guard appointments should be made permanent,” he detailed.However, Mukesh Kumar Meena, Additional Director, CRD Jaipur, said necessary steps were being taken to deal with the increasing incidents of fleeing. “The state government has sanctioned Rs 65 lakh for repair works. Home guards will be deployed for security. There is also a proposal to raise the height of the boundary walls of reform homes.”  *Names changed to protect privacyThis story was originally published as a part of Crime and Punishment project in collaboration with Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy.Cover Photo - Representative image/ AI-generated using Canva

Why North Indian villages are questioning the tradition of parents sending shrouds for married daughters

Normal 0 false false false EN-US X-NONE X-NONE MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-qformat:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-para-margin-top:0in; mso-para-margin-right:0in; mso-para-margin-bottom:10.0pt; mso-para-margin-left:0in; line-height:115%; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;} Some young people question the centuries-old custom while many families still find it difficult to abandon the practice. Hanumangarh Rajasthan/Bathinda Punjab:  Angrez Kaur (85), a resident of Malarampura village in Hanumangarh district, Rajasthan, passed away last month. Before her death, she made one final request. She wanted to be cremated in clothes bought by her family in her marital home, not those sent from her parents’ home, as tradition demands.Her son, Harjinder Singh Gill, said his mother had spoken about it often. “She said she had spent her whole life here, in this house, with her family,” he told 101Reporters. “Why should the final rites be paid for by others? Respecting my mother’s wishes, we bought the clothes ourselves for her last journey.”For generations across Punjab, Haryana, and Rajasthan, it has been customary for a woman’s parents to send her kapde, the clothes she will be cremated in. In some communities, the parents also buy the shroud and the wood for the funeral. Sanjeev Agarwal (50) of Sangaria said, “In our society, the parents still pay for the clothes for the daughter or sister’s last moments, as well as the wood purchased for the funeral.” However, many families now refuse to accept the money.People question the centuries-old custom while many families still find it difficult to abandon the practice (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)In several villages, when a married woman dies young, her parents are expected to send not only her shroud but also the solah shringar — sixteen items of adornment applied before her cremation. These include bangles, sindoor, bindi, lipstick, and perfume — symbols of married life.This is traditionally seen as a last act of parental care, and refusing to accept these offerings is still considered disrespectful. But some families are now moving away from this customs. Gurdayal Kaur from Sangaria village explains the practice (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Changing timesKartar Kaur (82), a resident of Mansa village in Punjab's Bathinda district, wanted her body to be dressed in the clothes from her parents’ home. But her son, Bira Singh, disagreed. He said, “I won’t perform this ritual. My mother spent her entire life for us. Can I not buy clothes for her last journey?”Gurdayal Kaur (85), a resident of Sangaria, however explained that this practice has been followed for ages. “The parents of the women bring the final clothes. If they don’t, they are rebuked for not being able to bring clothes for their daughter,” she said.The ritual has always carried an emotional weight for both sides. For parents, it reflects their attachment to their daughter and their responsibility towards her until the end of her life. It shows that a daughter remains connected to her parents until her death. Yet many women now question it. Most of their lives are spent in the home they married into, so why should their final rites depend on a family they left behind decades ago?“It is symbolic,” said Dr Archana Godara, a sociology professor in Hanumangarh. “It comes from a time when women were considered outsiders in their marital homes, so the family of birth took responsibility till the very end. But women today live full lives in their marital homes. The symbolism no longer fits their realities.”Some villagers are beginning to express this discomfort more openly. In Haryana’s Chautala, Guddi Kaur (75) said she had discussed the matter with her family. “I told them my cremation should be done from the home I spent my life in,” she said. “I don’t want my children to depend on anyone else.”Still, resistance persists, especially among elders who see such changes as eroding social bonds. “These customs carry emotional and cultural meaning,” said Dr Bali Bahadur, Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology at Punjab Central University, located in Ghudda village in Bathinda district. “It is not just about money or clothes… it’s about maintaining ties between two families. Breaking that can feel like breaking the relationship itself.”Kartar Kaur who wanted her body to be dressed in the clothes from her parents’ home with her family (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Open debateGurdayal Kaur (85) from Sangaria explained that people follow the custom since it has been around for so long — as long as she can remember. “The parents of the deceased bring the clothes for the last rites,” she said. “If they don’t, people talk they’re blamed for not being able to send clothes for their daughter.”For many the custom is painful to follow but difficult to abandon. Karmajit Kaur (65) from Malarampura, who lost her 30-year-old daughter to dengue, recalled how hard it was to fulfil that duty. “What could have been more tragic for us?” she said. “We not only bought her clothes but also lipstick, bindi, vermilion, bangles, soap and oil for her adornment, as per custom. I don’t know when or why such traditions began, but they should change now.”The debate has also found a place online. In 2023, Vanita Kasaniya (45), a poet from Abohar, wrote a short verse about the custom that spread widely on social media. She wrote, “Pooree umr sasuraal mein gujaaree, mainne phir bhee maayake se kafan mangaana mujhe achchha nahin lagata.” (“I spent my entire life in my in-laws’ home, yet asking for a shroud from my parental home doesn’t feel right to me.”)In some villages, priests and community leaders are beginning to acknowledge the shift. “There is no mention of this custom in any scripture,” said Pandit Mangilal Saraswat of  Sri Ganganagar district . “It is a social tradition, not a religious one. If people wish to change it, they can.”Jaswinder Singh (65) from Maur Mandi in Punjab, whose family followed these rituals after the deaths of his four sisters said: “It isn’t easy to go against society. People talk if you do things differently.” Cover photo - Karmajit Kaur from Malarampura village in Hanumangarh district (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)

Families in Rajasthan are pushing back against Mrityu Bhoj

Instead of spending lakhs on funeral feasts, some are redirecting the money to schools, libraries and community projects despite caste panchayats continuing to enforce the costly custom.Sriganganagar, Rajasthan: When Colonel Baldev Singh "Manav" Chaudhary’s father, Naina Ram, died in Devgarh village near Balesar in Jodhpur district last year, he and his younger brother Dharamaram made a decision that went against long-standing social custom. They chose not to organise a mrityu bhoj – the ritual funeral feast that often runs for days and feeds thousands of people. Instead, they redirected the money, about Rs 22 lakh, to fund libraries, schools, cow shelters and cremation grounds.“If we had continued to have feasts till the thirteenth day, it would have cost many lakhs to feed thousands of people,” Colonel Chaudhary said. “In 1982, my father had to mortgage household jewellery to arrange a funeral feast for my grandfather, despite a severe famine. It disrupted my education. From then on, I vowed to oppose this practice.”In Rajasthan, death rituals are accompanied by several customs, the most prominent being mrityu bhoj. For generations, the feast has been seen as a marker of prestige and honour. Ganga Ram Jakhar, former Vice Chancellor of Maharaja Ganga Singh University, explained that the custom dates back to feudal times, when it was known as kansa lag. In those days, the bereaved family would send food in bronze vessels to every household in the village. Later, the practice shifted to large gatherings at the family’s home, where the wealthy would feed thousands, which became a display of prestige. For poorer families, however, it became a compulsion.Jakhar noted that in western Rajasthan, a single mrityu bhoj can cost anywhere between Rs 7 lakh and Rs 20 lakh. In some cases, families host mourners from 10 to 20 surrounding villages.Villagers attend the inauguration of the grand entrance of a school in Devgarh, Jodhpur, built in memory of Colonel Baldev Singh Chaudhary's father instead of spending money on a funeral feast; (Below) A plaque affixed at the entrance condemns the practice of Mrityu Bhoj (Photos sourced by Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)The financial tollThe cost of these feasts has left generations in debt. Families mortgage jewellery, sell land, or borrow heavily to meet the expenses. Children often drop out of school when resources are diverted. Colonel Chaudhary, who campaigns against the custom, said that families already drained by medical expenses for elderly relatives are then pushed into debt by mrityu bhoj. “To repay this debt, children are forced into labour. It also encourages child marriage. In Marwar, more than half of such marriages are solemnised on the occasion of Terahvi Rasm,” he said.Jakhar added that the interest on loans taken for feasts is often unmanageable with ordinary incomes. “Families lose savings, sell land, and children miss school. The economic impact is devastating,” he said.In recent years, however, more families are making different choices. Dharampal Sihag of Pallu village in Hanumangarh district donated the amount he would have spent on a feast for social causes after his father’s death. In Ghana village of Jalore, Rooparam’s family donated Rs 5.25 lakh towards building a girls’ hostel. Retired Director General of Police SR Jangid donated Rs 9 lakh to educational institutions after his sister-in-law’s death in Barmer. In Payala Kalan, Balotra, Genaram’s family redirected their resources to education.Social pressure persistsDespite these examples, social pressure remains intense. Caste panchayats continue to enforce the practice, threatening boycotts and fines. In many villages, those who refuse to organise mrityu bhoj risk expulsion.Padmaesh Sihag, who leads an anti-mrityu bhoj campaign, explained that panchayats even provide loans to ensure families can host feasts. The gatherings last twelve days, with elaborate menus and along with the customary serving of opium and poppy husk. In Marwar, offering these intoxicants is an old tradition and is usually offered with food at feasts. Padmesh Sihag, an activist from the Marityubhoj Chodo Abhiyaan, appeals against the practice at a meeting in Hanumangarh (Photo sourced by Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Those who resist face punishment. Panchayats announce a “hukkaa-paani bandh”, which literally translates to cutting off hookah and water, but symbolically means a complete social boycott. Once such a declaration is made, the community severs all ties with the person. Cases of hukkaa-paani bandh are reported from districts including Jodhpur, Barmer, Balotra, Pali, Bharatpur, Jaisalmer, Jalore, Sirohi, Nagaur and Chittorgarh.In Balotra’s Maylawas village, Deeparam Dewasi said he and others who opposed the custom were expelled from their caste. “The panchayat announced that anyone who had contact with us would be fined fifty thousand rupees and a sack of millet,” he said. Panchayat members demanded fines of Rs 5 lakh each to reinstate them. Devasi claims that two of us paid the fine, while we are still facing the boycott. Meanwhile, caste Panch Gilaram denies these allegations. He said that it is true that Dewasi had stopped about a dozen funeral feasts, but they have not taken any action against him.Legal response, campaigns and social movementsNotably, Rajasthan was the first state to criminalise the practice with the Mrityu Bhoj Prevention Act, 1960. Yet the custom persisted, driven by social enforcement. This year, following petitions from residents of Jalore, Nagaur and Gotan, the Rajasthan High Court set up a five-member commission to investigate caste panchayats.Advocate Ramavtar Singh Chaudhary, a member of the commission, said they have visited ten districts so far. “We found that caste panchayats are brutally harassing people, forcing them to spend lakhs on funeral feasts, declaring hukkaa-paani bandh (social boycott) if they refuse, and even imposing arbitrary fines in marriage matters,” he said. The commission will submit its findings to the court.The court will likely ask the government to enact a separate law to deal with such cases, Singh Chaudhary said. But the state has been opposing the practice for many years. The first strong opposition to mrityu bhoj came from Nagaur about 25 years ago, eventually leading to statewide campaigns. Two decades ago, when Sihag from Hanumangarh refused to hold a feast for his uncle, his family opposed him, but his efforts sparked the “Leave the Mrityu Bhoj” campaign. Today, around 200 workers associated with it have persuaded 26,000 people across 17 districts to pledge against funeral feasts.Villagers take an oath not to organise funeral feasts in Hanumangarh district; (below) A similar initiative from Barmer (Photos sourced by Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Groups like Jaipur’s Johar Jagriti Manch are also spreading awareness. Villagers now not only refrain from hosting feasts but also approach the police when caste panchayats coerce them.However, Jakhar said that campaigns have changed attitudes in 20-30% of cases, but wider change requires people themselves to stop participating. “The biggest problem is those who go to eat,” he said. “If people stop attending, there will be no need to organise the feast.”Dr Archana Godara, a sociology professor in Hanumangarh, calls the feast a “deeply ingrained social evil.” While direct bans face resistance, she suggested encouraging alternatives. “If villagers are guided to spend the money on schools or social causes, change is more acceptable,” she said.As Sihag puts it, “This is not just a cultural issue. It is about economic and social improvement. If money goes to schools instead of feasts, everyone benefits.”This story is part of our series, 'Last Rights, Lost Rights,' about death in rural India and what it reveals about caste, class, migration, governance, and ecology. Cover image - In Lakhoniyo village in Barmer district, family members plant saplings in memory of their elderly mother, after donating the money intended for her mrityu bhoj (Photo sourced by Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)

Rajasthan's rural residents push back against smart meters over fear of prepaid bills

Villagers claim prepaid billing could hit the poor hardest, while officials insist the devices are safe and cost-effective.Hanumangarh, Rajasthan: In Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh district, a government push to install smart electricity meters has met with resistance from residents. Touted as “modern” devices, these meters transmit real-time data, eliminate reading errors, and promise transparent billing, according to the Rajasthan Department of Information and Public Relations. The push to replace traditional meters with smart ones began in early July 2025 in Hanumangarh district, under the Central Government’s Restructured Distribution Area Scheme (RDSS), a plan initiated in 2023 during the then Congress-led state government to make smart meters mandatory across all districts.But the rollout has sparked widespread anger and anxiety among villagers, especially poor labourers and farmers. Women from various villages talking about their opposition to smart meters (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Wherever company employees from Genus Metering Communication Private Limited arrive to install the devices, they are turned away. The first protest erupted in Bihari Colony, Hanumangarh Junction, after just five smart meters were installed. Within days, resistance spread across villages and towns, bringing installation work to a standstill.Protesters have gathered outside power offices and government buildings, chanting slogans and demanding that the meters not be installed in their homes. During one demonstration outside the District Collectorate, this reporter witnessed hundreds chanting slogans in protest. Hanumangarh district has 4.6 lakh registered electricity connections, including 3.75 lakh domestic users. Despite awareness drives, only about 200 smart meters have been installed so far, according to Superintendent Engineer RS Charan of the Electricity Department.The main reason for opposition, villagers say, is fear of a shift to prepaid billing. Shivkumar Mandal (56), a labourer from Bihari Basti, said, “Right now they’re installing smart meters, but soon they’ll make them prepaid. We earn and eat daily. If we don’t get work for two days, how will we recharge electricity?”Notably, smart meters can operate in either postpaid or prepaid mode. Currently, all Hanumangarh connections are postpaid, and new meters are being installed in this mode. However, distribution companies can switch meters to prepaid remotely via software updates, just like changing a mobile phone connection from postpaid to prepaid.People of Bihari Basti protesting against the installation of smart meters (Photo - Vijay Midha)‘Electricity will no longer be a right’For Advocate Raghuveer Verma of the All India Agricultural Labour Union, the opposition to smart metres is more than just a technical concern, it is a threat to basic rights. He called it a socio-economic issue. “Smart meters will create a crisis for the poor, labourers, single women and the elderly. Once electricity becomes recharge-based, it will no longer be a right but a purchasable commodity,” he said. Installing them without public hearings or consent, he added, goes against the spirit of public representation.Chandrakala Verma, former state president of the All India Democratic Women’s Association, warned that a shift to prepaid billing would disrupt daily life: “The moment electricity goes out, children’s studies, cooking and household work will come to a halt. It’s a direct attack on the quality of life of the poor.”Residents also point to the practical difficulties of paying upfront. Mandal, a warehouse loader who has lived in Bihari Basti for 40 years, said, “We somehow manage to pay monthly bills now. If delayed, we pay penalties or in installments. But with prepaid, electricity will stop the moment the balance runs out. Even a bulb won’t light.”Consumer rights groups have similar worries. Liaqat Ali, secretary of the Jodhpur-based Upbhokta Margdarshan Samiti, alleges that smart meters are a way for power companies to recover massive financial losses by overcharging consumers.According to data tabled in Rajasthan Assembly in January 2024, electricity corporations in Ajmer, Jodhpur and Jaipur — along with transmission and generation companies — recorded losses of Rs 8,824.43 crore, taking their total net loss to Rs 1,10,655 crore in 2022-’23 alone.“First, they’ll install smart meters, then convert them to prepaid. Consumption will drop, companies will buy less power, and homes that can’t recharge will be left in the dark,” Ali said. He blames the crisis on corruption and mismanagement, recalling that similar promises were made in 2002 when mechanical meters were replaced with electronic ones. “The meters work fine. The real issue is mismanagement. Companies blame the meters to cover their failures.”Reports from other districts of inflated bills after smart meter installation have deepened distrust. Protesters in Hanumangarh often cite the case of Amiruddin Rangrez from Jobner in Jaipur district, who received a Rs 1.26 lakh bill for a locked house. Energy Minister Heeralal Nagar later said it was due to a wrong reading, not a fault in the meter. Labourers and farmers from various villages talking about their opposition to smart meters in Hanumangarh (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)‘Postpaid gives us breathing space’At present, all electricity connections in Hanumangarh are postpaid. Residents said this system gives them crucial breathing room: after receiving a bill, they have time to arrange money before the payment deadline. If they cannot pay in full, they can often negotiate with officials to pay in installments.Leelawati (60) from Dabli Rathan village, compared the prepaid model to phone recharges. “We have phones but often can’t recharge due to lack of money. The phone stays off for days. The same will happen with electricity,” she said. Kamla Meghwal (41) of Chak 34 STG, drew a parallel with the Ujjwala Yojana cooking gas scheme. “The government stopped kerosene, claiming everyone would get LPG. But poor women still burn firewood. Now they’re preparing to cheat us again in the name of ‘electricity for all,” he said. Dhannaram Nayak of Urmul Khejari Sansthan, an NGO in Nagaur’s Jhadeli village added that the usage data from smart metres is available only through mobile apps, SMS or websites, which are all mediums inaccessible to large sections of the rural, elderly and illiterate population. He also said there is an increased possibility of cyber fraud. “Scammers look for opportunities. Once meters are installed everywhere, they will start calling people, extracting personal data under false pretenses. The government must act cautiously,” Nayak added.  Consumer rights groups also point to the potential for tariff hikes alongside smart meter rollouts. Ali said that power companies in Rajasthan have already proposed raising the lowest slab from Rs 4.75 per unit to Rs 6, and increasing the fixed monthly service charge for heavy users from Rs 450 to Rs 800, a 77% jump.Even if such changes were to be challenged, activists say the process is stacked against ordinary people. Sanjay Arya, president of the Consumer Protection Committee in Sangaria, said filing objections before regulatory bodies is “almost like fighting a case in court”. Petitions run into hundreds of pages of technical data that most people cannot understand without a lawyer, which means paying fees, he said. With the state regulatory commission based in Jaipur and the national commission in Delhi, residents would also need to bear travel, stay, and food costs. “Companies have legal teams,” Arya said. “Citizens have neither the time, money nor resources.”Advocate Raghuveer Verma, leader of the Khet Mazdoor Union (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Public being misled: OfficialsHowever, ​the Electricity Department’s Superintendent Engineer Charan said smart meters would ensure accurate billing, allow mobile-based usage tracking, and offer a 15-paise-per-unit discount on prepaid usage. The devices, he added, are tested in national laboratories and meet Indian standards. To build trust, some areas will initially have both traditional and smart meters installed side by side for comparison.Addressing concerns about a shift to prepaid billing, Charan said it had been proposed but would not be implemented immediately. He added that smart meters would not harm consumers and attributed the opposition to “wrong propaganda”. “What is the harm if electricity connections become prepaid in the future?” he said. “Today, people pay for everything in advance in the market, what difference does it make if we pay for electricity the same way?”Cover photo - People of Bihari Basti protesting against the installation of smart meters in Hanumangarh (Photo - Vijay Midha)

How Longwala reimagined rural governance

Once plagued by poor sanitation and scarce resources, this Rajasthan village transformed through local leadership, community willpower, and smart planning.Hanumangarh, Rajasthan: “I got married here when I was just 13. Back then, Longwala didn’t even have proper drains,” Anganwadi worker Sanjana Sain told 101Reporters. “Today, it feels like I live in a new village.”Even five years ago, Longwala village in Pilibanga tehsil of Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh district had no working sub-health centre, few toilets, and problematic drainage issues.Today, it has 35 CCTV cameras, a solar-powered panchayat office, a new overhead tank for water supply, a fully equipped gym, and the National Panchayat Award under its belt.The turnaround began in 2020, when coming from the dalit community Sunil Kranti, a local youth leader and founder of the Yuva Kranti Dal, was elected sarpanch—even though the seat was reserved for the general category. Longwala, a village with a population of around 7,000, had an annual panchayat budget of approximately Rs 1 crore when Kranti became the sarpanch. The village is about 23 km from the Hanumangarh district headquarters and 5 km from the Pilibanga Panchayat Samiti.Kranti, along with a team of “motivated” panchayat members and officers began to tackle basic challenges first like sanitation, healthcare, and water management. One of the first things the Sarpanch did after being elected was to study successful panchayat models. He visited several developed villages in neighbouring Punjab to understand how they had planned, mobilised communities and leveraged government schemes.In 2023, Kranti and his team’s efforts led to Longwala being honoured with the National Panchayat Award for developing self-reliant infrastructure.“We managed to bring some changes in the village because we focussed on works that people wanted to get done,” he added. Tulsi and Suman, women from the village (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Blueprint for changeLongwala village is home to about 1,200 families, half of whom belong to Scheduled Castes like Nayak, Meghwal, and Majbi Sikh. The rest include Kumhar, Jat Sikh, Nai, Brahmin, and Bania communities. Kranti said that the earlier Sarpanches and officials struggled with fund mobilisation due to a lack of awareness. However, he and his team visited the Panchayat Samitis and Zila Parishad offices to understand which schemes exist, what kind of documentation is needed and what could be used where. This research helped him scale up the budget from Rs 1 crore to Rs 10 crore annually, by applying to multiple government schemes across departments.People working out at the village gym (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Participative planningTo get residents involved, Kranti used pressing issues to encourage community discussion. His first major Gram Sabha focused on water drainage, a chronic problem in the village. “People were troubled by this. When we organised a Gram Sabha to solve it, they came in large numbers,” he said. Four to five hundred residents began showing up regularly. “In the next meeting, we raised the issue of Gaushala. In every meeting, some important issue like this was highlighted,” Kranti added. This momentum carried into the Gram Panchayat Development Plan, where villagers began to actively propose and prioritise local works. He also launched a “Hathai” programme for informal public dialogue. He also reorganised Longwala into seven named zones, distinct from its 12 administrative wards. Each zone, encompassing areas from one or more wards, now has a unique identity, encouraging enhanced community participation.Gram Panchayat of Longwala (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Smart streetsCleanliness and sanitation saw immediate improvement. Regular cleaning by the Panchayat, modern public toilets at the bus stand and schools, and a new drainage system turned two previously polluted ponds near the school into functional water bodies. A new overhead water tank ensured supply, and borewells were installed for rainwater drainage.Infrastructure expanded rapidly: a Rs 1.25 crore tar road to Chak SGW shortened the commute to Hanumangarh by 12 km, 35 CCTV cameras were installed on main streets, and every lane now has streetlights, greenery, and Reinforced Cement Concrete benches. A grand panchayat gate was built, and roads were paved and named.Education and childcare facilities received new classrooms, boundary walls, and a modern Anganwadi. A fully equipped gym and model bus stand—complete with fans, toilets, and shaded seating—were added for public convenience. In Sada Singh Wala locality, community toilets, an Amrit Sarovar, and a smaller secondary waiting area were also constructed.Public land encroachments—especially on walkways and a 3-bigha playground—were resolved through consensus-building. Boundaries were marked, and farmers voluntarily pulled back their fences.Longwala’s panchayat office is now fully solar-powered and digitised. Twenty-five homes already use solar panels, and streetlights are being connected to the solar grid. Under the National Gram Swaraj Abhiyan, Longwala has been chosen to host a Panchayat Learning Center, with LED screens, CCTV, a sound system, projectors, Wi-Fi, and a mini-library.Beyond physical upgrades, Kranti also focused on economic empowerment. Many villagers expressed interest in animal husbandry and dairy businesses. The panchayat arranged loan camps in coordination with nationalised banks, enabling many to secure business loans.Women were encouraged to form Self-Help Groups (SHGs), with three already receiving loans through Rajivika. These groups now run beauty parlours, tailoring shops, and grocery stores. Several more are in the pipeline. Chandan Singh showing a lane in the village (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)SetbacksThe transformation wasn’t without controversy. Two years ago, a newly built panchayat office was found to be located on a school playground. The High Court ordered its demolition and fined Kranti and the Village Development Officer Rs 50,000.Kranti, the Sarpanch at the time of the alleged misuse of power and is now the appointed administrator, appealed to the Supreme Court. In August 2023, the court overturned the demolition order, thereby saving public funds. However, the Supreme Court simultaneously held Kranti and the then Village Development Officer responsible for arbitrary use of powers, ordering them to jointly pay a fine of Rs 10 lakh. This amount was subsequently recovered from them and deposited into the account of the school whose playground had been illegally occupied. The Supreme Court further emphasized that gram panchayats must always represent the public interest and are not permitted to occupy parks or playgrounds for infrastructure projects without strictly following legal procedures.Sanjana Sen and children at the Anganwadi (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Model village With a consistent approach and participatory planning, Longwala is no longer just a village. It’s a case study in grassroots governance. The Rajasthan government sent 100 newly appointed development officers to study its model, and over 50 sarpanches and officials from Jammu & Kashmir have visited.Sandeep Kumar, coordinator of the Gram Swaraj Abhiyan in Jammu, noted that such facilities are typically found in urban municipalities—not rural panchayats. Village Development Officer Sushil Siddh shared that once development began, public trust soared. Ravindra Sharma, Block Development Officer from Pilibanga, said, “Villages with active representatives consistently see more progress.”Locals like Indrajit Singh and Chandan Singh said that they never imagined officials from across the country would visit their village which is now nationally renowned. Kranti said applying for awards is a conscious decision. He explained that receiving a national award changes the perception of governments, district administrations, and the Panchayat Raj department towards the winning panchayat. “Officials help such Panchayats to apply for raising funds for development. Our Panchayat has benefited in this way,” he told 101Reporters.Cover Photo - Villagers at the bus stand (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)

Open jails make prison terms productive, life easier

Life convicts who have completed one-third of their sentences and have shown good conduct are shifted to open jails in Rajasthan, a move that helps them socialise and earn money through work  Hanumangarh, Rajasthan: ‘‘Life in jail is very difficult. We cannot see the outside world and we are stressed out,’’ says Vinod Kumar (30), who is serving life imprisonment since 2016 for murdering two persons. Hailing from Sangaria, he was lodged in the jails of Sriganganagar, Hanumangarh and Bikaner, before being moved to the open air camp at the Agricultural Research Sub-station in Hanumangarh 17 months ago.“I live with my wife now. I am happy. I meet common people and work throughout the day to support my family. During this time, I also became the father of a girl child,” he beams. Seven months ago, Kumar was sent to the open jail in Tibbi town, where he lives with his wife Rajpal Kaur.The open jail in Tibbi is a cowshed run by Gayatri Seva Samiti, with over 400 cows. This prison does not have all-round security. There are no high walls or barbed wires either.‘‘I do not even feel that my husband is serving a prison sentence and that we are living in a jail. I am very happy. We are able to survive on his wages,’’ says Kaur.Established as per the provisions of the Rajasthan Prisoners Open Air Camp Rules, 1972, there are 50 open jails in Rajasthan, with 11 in Hanumangarh district.‘‘Open jail is a positive step from the state government as part of the social rehabilitation of prisoners. Convicts who have completed one-third of their sentences and have shown good conduct in prison are selected for open jails. For this, a seniority list of prisoners meeting these conditions is prepared,” Hanumangarh District Jail Deputy Superintendent Yogendra Kumar Teji tells 101Reporters. While lauding the Rajasthan government for its open jail system, the Supreme Court recently stressed the need to establish such prisons in all states. The court said that open jails can reduce overcrowding of main jails, besides addressing the problem of rehabilitation of prisoners.Convicts who have completed one-third of their sentences and have shown good conduct in prison are selected for open jails (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Walls don’t confineTo understand the functioning of an open air camp, 101Reporters spent a day in Tibbi's open jail. A first look at the prisoners using a chaff cutter clearly indicates that this place is not as suffocating as a traditional jail. There is permission to keep 15 prisoners here, but only 10 sentenced to life for murder are present here. They wear clothes of their choice and not prison uniforms, and stay up-to-date by reading newspapers.  Prisoners have their personal smartphones that help them keep in touch with their family and friends. Two prisoners have their wives and children with them in the open jail. Dr Manish Baghla, a psychologist at Tantia University, Sriganganagar, tells 101Reporters that prisoners in closed jails remain frustrated and angry as they are away from their family and society. “Cut off from the society, they become quarrelsome. The condition of prisoners changes when they are moved to open jails. They feel happy doing whatever work they get. They are no longer stressed out. Being with the family and meeting common people bring positivity in them,” Baghla says. On the genesis of open jail system, retired Jail Superintendent Sudhir Prakash Poonia tells 101Reporters that Rajasthan government was inspired by the 1957 movie Do Ankhen Barah Haath, which shows how a prison officer changes the lives of six hardened criminals released on parole by keeping them in an open environment.Poonia says the credit for establishing open jails in the state goes to Sampurnanand, the state governor of the 1960s. The first open jail in Rajasthan was launched in Jaipur’s Sanganer in 1963, while the second one was inside the Central State Agricultural Farm at Sardargarh in Sriganganagar district. Afterwards, jail department inspector general JK Sharma, SS Bissa and others promoted it.According to a report, Sanganer open jail was first launched in 1958 with 20 prisoners, but was discontinued in 1962. However, Sampurnanand got it restarted in 1963. The jail was later renamed after him.According to Poonia, the state was an early bird in establishing open jails, which boosted its confidence to set up more such jails. Based on a research conducted by Smita Chakraburtty of NGO Prison Aid + Action Research and published by Rajasthan State Legal Services Authority in 2017, the Supreme Court had favoured establishment of at least one open jail in every district of the country. The research said one jail employee could handle up to 80 prisoners in an open jail, whereas that is not possible in traditional jails. It said overcrowding of jails due to the large number of undertrials could be reduced through the open jail system. The study claimed that undertrials did not escape even when kept in the open without security barricades.  Rohtash Meghwal (45) of Gheu in Hanumangarh was sentenced to life imprisonment for murder in 2017. “Today, I live with my wife and children only because of the open jail,” says Rohtash. After spending life in the traditional prisons of Bhadra, Bikaner and Hanumangarh, he was shifted to the open jail of Agricultural Research Sub-station last year and has now come to Tibbi open jail.‘‘In the morning, I cut cattle fodder from the fields and feed it to animals. In return, I get a payment from the gaushala, which helps support my family. My son aged 10 and daughter aged nine study in a nearby government school in class V and IV, respectively,’’ says Rohtash. “Earlier, I was worried about my husband. Now we are very happy living together,” Rohtash's wife Sunita Meghwal (42) adds.The government provides neither food nor money to the prisoners of open jail. Gaushala committee secretary Chhindrapal Soni tells 101Reporters that they pay every prisoner Rs 250 per day for the work they do. “Every prisoner gets one litre of milk free. The work starts once their attendance is taken at 6 am. The next roll call is at 6 pm,’’ Soni says.Of the 11 open jails in Hanumangarh, 10 were opened in cow shelters last year. Altogether, these open jails can accommodate 160 inmates, but only 132 inmates are present now.Prisoners have their personal smartphones that help them keep in touch with their family and friends (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Fear to faithWhen the prison administration presented the proposal of open jail to the officials of gaushala committees, they initially hesitated. ‘‘We were horrified of keeping convicts, but still agreed to implement the request of the jail authorities. It has been almost a year now. Our fear has gone. The behaviour of all the prisoners is good. They do their job well. We never had problems with them. We do not get anything from the government for keeping prisoners, but we are happy that we are contributing to a good cause,’’ Soni details.Goshala caretaker Roshan Verma was afraid of interacting with prisoners when they were brought here last year. “Gradually, we mingled with each other. They are also human beings, after all.”Papparam Meghwal (29) of Balesar in Jodhpur district is serving life imprisonment for murdering his wife. He was lodged in Jodhpur jail after the court sentence in January 2021. Two months ago, after taking note of his good behaviour, he was sent to Tibbi open jail."If a person falls ill, he goes to the hospital like a common man, consults a doctor and returns with medicines... I cook my own food after getting the necessary supplies from the market,” Papparam says. Vouching for the open jail system, Poonia says prisoners in open jails have been meeting him after their release and they have completely integrated into the society. ‘‘The open jail is acting as a link between the society and jail. Prisoners are getting relief from the stress of closed jails. At the same time, the burden of prisoner expenditure is decreasing. Families are saved from collapse as prisoners can live with their family in open jails,” Poonia says.“Many prisoners start thinking of escaping or committing suicide. Open jails have changed the situation. Now prisoners think why not live comfortably and serve their sentence… They avoid wrongdoing because they are afraid of being sent back to the traditional jail. Open jail is an effective reformative process,” he asserts.A former soldier and resident of Nokha Jodha in Nagaur district, Sardar Singh Rathore (50) was sentenced to life for murdering his wife. “I have been in this open jail for four months and I am feeling very pleasant. There is a great satisfaction in serving cows,” he says.Jamadar Banjara (34) of Devpuria in Baran district echoes Rathore when he says he has got freedom from both suffocation in traditional jail and lingering worries. Devi Lal Bhil (30) of Tasol in Rajsamand adds that there was neither peace during the day nor rest at night. “The shift to open jail has filled me with energy.”The experiences of inmates like Vinod, Rohtash, and Papparam indicate the transformative potential of open jails, not just for those serving life sentences, but also for the families they reunite with and the communities they contribute to. In a 2016 judgment (Re–Inhuman Conditions in 1382 Prisons), the Supreme Court of India urged all states to establish open prisons as a means to decongest traditional jails and promote the rehabilitation of prisoners. The Court noted that such systems align with progressive correctional principles by offering inmates dignity, responsibility, and the opportunity for social reintegration.As Rajasthan continues to expand its open jail network, with the majority now operating from gaushalas, it offers a working model of reform that other states can emulate.This story was originally published as a part of Crime and Punishment project in collaboration with Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy.Cover Photo - Representative image/ AI-generated using Canva

It's tenant farmers, not landowners, who bear the burden of climate change in Rajasthan

As unpredictable weather wipes out crops, landowners lease out fields, leaving small and landless farmers to shoulder rising costs and mounting risks.Sri Ganganagar, Rajasthan: In Rajasthan’s Sri Ganganagar and Hanumangarh districts — popularly known as “Mini Punjab” — farming is no longer a promise of prosperity. Climate change has turned it into a gamble.This winter, unseasonably warm weather wiped out carrot crops sown across thousands of hectares in the two districts located near the Punjab border.“No one could have guessed this would happen. We had to resow the entire field,” Amar Singh Bishnoi, a farmer from Sadhuwali village, told 101Reporters.Farmers said erratic weather makes it harder to plan crops. As uncertainty rises, landowners lease out land, leaving tenants to shoulder the risks. “They’re the ones pushed to the edge,” said Raghuveer Verma of the All India Agricultural Workers' Union. “Climate change is hitting the poor and landless the hardest and upending long-held farming patterns.”Farming is no longer a promise of prosperity (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Stuck in lossesFor years, Sandeep Bishnoi (38), a farmer from Bhagatpura village in Sangaria tehsil, and his brother cultivated not only their 11 bighas of ancestral land but also leased 10-20 bighas from nearby farmers.This year, they stopped after rent rose from Rs 22,000 to 30,000 per bigha.“How long should we bear the loss?” Bishnoi said. “We’ve had four bad years. Pink bollworm and unseasonal rains destroyed our cotton crops three years in a row.”Rent isn’t the only burden. The cost of cultivation — including seeds, fertilisers, pesticides and tractor rent — can go up to Rs 20,000 per bigha. Factoring in rent and other inputs, Bishnoi said, “We spend nearly Rs 50,000 per bigha, excluding our own labour cost. But the returns don’t match. We’re drowning in debt.”In 2024, the family borrowed Rs 3 lakh under the Kisan Credit Card scheme at 1% interest and another Rs 1.5 lakh from local commission agents at 2% interest.“The year the crop is good, the landowner raises the rent. But when the crop fails, the rent stays the same,” he added. Sandeep Bishnoi, a farmer from Bhagatpura village (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Hot and coldFarmers in Rajasthan’s northern districts say the weather no longer follows a predictable rhythm.“When it rains, it rains at the wrong time. When we need it, the skies are dry,” said Kaluram Solda, a farmer from Charanvasi village in Hanumangarh district. In January 2025, average temperatures exceeded 20°C — 4 to 5 degrees above normal — affecting the Rabi crops that typically require cooler, stable weather.February and March saw more fluctuations. While temperatures in Sangaria village of Hanumangarh district remained below 30°C due to unseasonal rains, Sri Ganganagar experienced a steady spike, reaching highs of 36°C by March 23.Kaluram Solda, a farmer from Charanvasi village (Photo - Jayalal Verma)“During Kharif season, crops like cotton, green gram and guar falli (cluster bean) often fall prey to unseasonal rains, storms and hail at the time of sowing. Farmers also have to worry about a rise in pest infestation due to the unpredictable weather,” Bishnoi said.“Pesticide sprays have increased from two to five rounds, raising costs,” he added. “This is part of a larger pattern,” said Dr Raghuveer Singh Meena of the Agricultural Research Centre in Sri Ganganagar. “Even February and March now see sharp rises in temperature that are disastrous for rabi crops.”Rainfall patterns have also swung wildly. Sangaria recorded just 2.41 mm of rain in January 2022, which jumped to 21.5 mm in January 2025.Hailstorms and sudden downpours — like those on April 11 in Nohar tehsil of Hanumangarh — have flattened standing crops overnight. Earlier, on March 15, heavy rains and strong winds had damaged wheat and mustard crops in Sri Ganganagar district. Even traditionally resilient crops like kinnow are suffering. Farmers have uprooted orchards after repeated losses.Dr Anoop Kumar, Chief Scientist of the Agricultural Science Centre in Sangaria said, “The climate of the area has changed a lot, which is affecting the farming patterns."Even Solda has scaled back this year. Instead of renting three acres of land like he usually did, he has taken only one. Along with the one acre he owns, he has planted cotton on both acres. “If it rains now, the cotton seeds will get kurand,” he said. Cotton is typically sown in May in this region, though some farmers start in April if the weather gets too hot. But unexpected rainfall after sowing can ruin the crop. When fields flood, cotton seeds rot and fail to sprout:  a condition called kurand. If this happens, they are forced to sow again, and if the window closes, cotton can't be grown at all. In such cases, farmers switch to alternative crops like moong or guar.Earlier, the seasons were predictable, and the Agriculture Department advised farmers on sowing timelines accordingly. For example, wheat was recommended to be sown between November 1 and 25, with delayed sowing permitted up to December 15. But now, because of rising temperatures and changing weather patterns, sowing often happens at the end of December, sometimes even in January. Similarly, while cotton sowing is officially recommended by May 20, farmers rarely follow this anymore due to shifting climate conditions.“The sun feels like fire now,” said Anusuiya Sharma (55), standing in her six-bigha field in Nathwana village. “We’ve always worked through heat and cold, but now the intensity causes dizziness.” Last year, she says, the cold was also so intense it felt like “it had frozen like snow”.She said, “Too much heat before Holi ruined our wheat. Cotton was lost to unseasonal rain and pests. Fortunately, this time wheat and mustard survived.”Her husband Ramkumar Sharma (60) said, “Earlier I used to take four bighas of land on rent… But after so many crop failures, we stopped renting any additional farms. Now I sometimes work as a labourer for Rs 400 a day to make some more income.”Satnam Singh (30) incMeharwala village has also been facing continuous losses on the 10 bighas of land he cultivates. In 2022, wheat failed due to extreme heat, and the cotton crop was destroyed by pink bollworms. In 2023, though the wheat yield was good, hailstorms wiped out the harvest.  That year’s cotton was again hit by pest infestation. In 2024, heavy rains ruined his peanut, cotton, and guar crops, and the damage was compounded by the pink bollworm.“This year’s wheat crop has finally offered some relief, a harvest of 72 quintals from six bighas, but even that is not enough,” he said.  “Half the wheat went to the landowner. With what’s left, I can repay only Rs 20,000–30,000 of my loan, it won’t make a dent,” Singh added. A farmer outside the cowshed (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Leasing out worriesFormer Deputy Sarpanch Gurcharan Singh (60) owns 12 bighas of land in Meharwala village. “Until six or seven years ago, I farmed it myself. But because of canal water shortages and erratic rainfall, I gave half the land for sharecropping. For three to four years, I didn’t earn anything.” Now, he’s planning to lease out the land instead. “At least with rent, I’ll get a fixed income.”In sharecropping (batayi), costs and harvests are shared. In rental farming (kiraye par), tenants bear all costs and risks.To understand this shift, it is important to trace the history of landholdings in Rajasthan. The total area of Sri Ganganagar and Hanumangarh districts is about 20.6 lakh hectares, out of which nearly 74% is used for farming.In 1994, when Hanumangarh was carved out of Sri Ganganagar to become a separate district, the average landholding per farmer there was 6.01 hectares. But according to the 2015-16 Agriculture Census data, this average fell to 4.51 hectares. Since then, no new agricultural census has been conducted, but the average is expected to have dropped further.In 1994-95, the number of small farmers (with land between 1 and 2 hectares) in Hanumangarh was 18,917. By 2015-16, this number had increased to 35,327.As families grow and land is divided across generations, the number of marginal and small farmers has ballooned. With less land to farm and limited access to irrigation or credit, many of these smallholders are turning to tenant farming.Ashok Jalandhar, a freelance journalist from Sri Ganganagar, said: “People with tiny holdings lease land from absentee landlords or relatives. But tenant farmers get no institutional support, no insurance, and no formal recognition.”This year’s wheat crop has finally offered some relief (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Out of the institutional net“Landless cultivators take loans at high interest from commission agents, and after giving the landowner their share, they’re left with nothing. Most can’t access institutional loans or crop insurance schemes because they don’t have formal land titles.”Even those who farm on rent face similar issues. Verma said, “Landowners get the fields insured but keep the money. Sharecroppers or leaseholders rarely benefit. There's no prohibition on including tenant farmers in Rajasthan, but the government maintains no records and landowners resist this due to fear of land rights being claimed by tenants.”Tenant and sharecropper farmers often lack Khatedari rights—official documentation of land ownership or tenancy—which blocks their access to: Fasal Bima Yojana (crop insurance), Kisan Credit Cards, PM Kisan Samman Nidhi (income support scheme).Landowners usually register for these benefits but do not pass them on to those actually cultivating the land. The state doesn’t track tenancy arrangements, leaving tenant farmers outside formal safety nets.Without access to banks, tenant farmers rely on adhatiyas (commission agents) for everything: loans, seeds, fertilizer, and even rations. In return, they sell their harvest to these agents, often at non-MSP prices.Hardeep Singh, a farmer from Sangaria, explains: “We’ve been farming for generations. If we stop now, who will give us ration or credit? Commission agents have been our lifeline.”Without access to banks, tenant farmers rely on adhatiyas for everything (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Voices from the groundMost farmers stick to traditional crops and cropping patterns despite the losses, not by preference, but because they simply cannot afford to take chances.While agricultural departments and Krishi Vigyan Kendras share weather alerts and crop advisories via newspapers and WhatsApp, it is too little for them to secure their crops.“Climate change isn’t in our control. We try to live in harmony with nature,” said Rampal Jat, National President of the Kisan Maha Panchayat.The government should step in, he said, especially to ensure that even non-accountholder farmers like leaseholders and sharecroppers have access to crop insurance, Kisan Credit Cards and subsidies.Jat referred to a 2015 high-level committee led by agricultural economist T Haque, which had submitted a report on land leasing reforms to NITI Aayog. “If laws are made based on that report, many of these problems can be addressed,” he said.Jalandhar added: “With climate change intensifying, agricultural losses are only expected to rise.”This concern is reflected in the 2019 IPCC Special Report on Climate Change and Land, which warns that a 1.5°C rise in global temperatures could lead to a 9% drop in India’s production of pulses, paddy, wheat, and coarse grains by 2050.This story was produced as a part of 101Reporters Climate Change Reporting Grant. Cover Photo - Tenant farmers on the field (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)

Weaponising juvenile records to deny government jobs

Records of convictions of children in conflict with law should be expunged according to Juvenile Justice Act, but former juveniles have been forced to approach courts to be appointed in government jobs   Bikaner, Rajasthan: Ramesh Bishnoi (33) of Gajjewala village near the Indo-Pak border in Bikaner district of Rajasthan passed the written examination and fitness test conducted by the Staff Selection Commission in 2016. He was all set to become a sub-inspector of the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), but was denied an appointment letter citing that a criminal case was registered against him for molesting a minor girl in his adolescence.Bishnoi approached the Rajasthan High Court (HC), which ruled in favour of his appointment. Though the government appealed in the Supreme Court (SC), it also ruled in Bishnoi's favour on November 29, 2019. Ramesh Bishnoi , village Gajjewala in Bikaner (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)In 2009, an FIR was registered against Bishnoi for molesting a girl aged 17, but he was acquitted in 2011 after the girl and her parents forgave him. The Supreme Court in its judgment said that the allegations against him were never proved as the girl and her parents did not testify against him, resulting in his acquittal. “Even if the allegations were found to be true, then too the respondent could not have been deprived of getting a job on the basis of such charges as the same had been committed while the respondent was juvenile,” the SC noted.According to the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act , 2000, and the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015, even if a juvenile is found guilty, his records should be expunged so that there is no stigma on that person when he grows up. The clear objective is to reintegrate juveniles into the society as normal persons.Advocate KK Shah, who represented Bishnoi in the Jodhpur HC, tells 101Reporters that Bishnoi was lucky to be appointed after the SC order, but others have not been so fortunate. “Many people have been denied jobs on the basis of a record of crime committed in childhood and are forced to fight court battles."Advocate Shah says that both Rajasthan HC and SC have confirmed in several cases that government jobs and other benefits cannot be denied on the basis of juvenile records. "However, not only such records are maintained in Rajasthan, but they are also used from time to time to deny government jobs," he notes. Rajasthan High Court (Photo - Amarpal Singh Verma, 101Reporters)Children in conflictAn example of this is Bikaner resident Bhawani Shankar Murh (28). Murh was selected to the post of constable in the Rajasthan Armed Constabulary of Rajasthan Police in 2018, but he was not appointed on the ground of a Juvenile Justice Board conviction in crimes punishable under Sections 302 and 201 of the Indian Penal Code.Murh challenged this and HC ruled in his favour. The government appealed to the double bench, but while dismissing it on February 13 last year, the HC said, “A perusal of the language of Section 24 of the Act of 2015 and the corresponding provision in the Act of 2000, i.e. Section 19, would make it clear that the record of conviction of the child in conflict cannot be preserved and has to be destroyed. As a direct consequence, any disqualification entailing from the conviction would have to be ignored and cannot act to the detriment of the child in conflict with law in any manner, which would include a selection process for public employment.”Murh, who hails from a very poor family, may have won the HC battle, but the government has appealed against the decision in the SC. "My labourer father used to support five of us siblings and my mother. I studied by working as a labourer in my childhood. I was just 13 when a false case of murder was registered against me. Actually, a child from the village had disappeared and his body was found in a well after 15 days. A murder charge was registered against me saying that the child was last seen with me," Murh, who works as a watchman in a colony in Barmer, tells 101Reporters."The Juvenile Justice Board sentenced me to community service for one hour every day for five years at Bikaner's PBM Hospital. However, the hospital manager refused to let me do community service saying they do not know the provisions for it."Murh's appeal against the community service sentence is pending in the HC. While Murh has full faith in the judiciary, which is keeping him alive, he adds, “My mother had to sell her jewellery to pay the lawyer's fee in the SC.”He knows that legal battle is very difficult and expensive, but he is not aware of the legal aid facility. “No one told me about this,” he reasons.Bishnoi says his case went on for about four years and he spent about Rs 3 lakh for it. “Considering my financial condition, my lawyer in the SC took only a very small fee. So, for me, the expenditure in SC was lesser than in HC."Bishnoi resigned from CISF after working for two years and is now a teacher in Navodaya Vidyalaya, Gujarat. “I was very disappointed with the way attempts were being made to deprive me of the job. So, I decided to fight the legal battle strongly… Now I can say that if injustice is done to someone, the only support for him is the judiciary,” Bishnoi asserts.Similarly, Sunil Kumar (21) was selected as Rajasthan Police Constable, but was not appointed on the basis of conviction under JJ Act. Sunil also sought refuge in the HC, which ruled in his favour on January 25 last year.The story of Azhar Mehar (26) of Kaparda village in Jodhpur district is no different. He got Army (general duty) selection in 2019, but was not appointed on the basis of a record related to a childhood fight. Mehar, who works at a handicraft factory in Jodhpur and belongs to a poor family, has knocked at the HC door in this matter. Advocate Shah is representing him the HC.Mehar says his family would have been better off if he had the job. Right now, his driver father supports the family somehow. Law versus practiceAdvocate Rajak Khan Haider associated with Utthaan Vidhik Sahaayata evam Seva Sansthan, a non-profit organisation dedicated to legal awareness in Jodhpur, says that the government interprets not only the JJ Act but also every other Act in its own way. This is why people are forced to loiter in courts.Delhi HC child rights advocate Anant Kumar Asthana has been advocating for children's rights for the last 20 years. He tells 101Reporters that criminal records of children exist because they are not destroyed. “No arrangement has been made to destroy them. Records of children and adults are maintained in a single register in every police station. This report is sent whenever an inquiry about a person's character and conduct is needed. The police station register does not differentiate whether the accused is a minor or an adult. Policemen do not do this intentionally, but they also have very little knowledge of the law,” Asthana elaborates.On the JJ Act Section 24, Asthana adds, “If the JJ Board starts writing in its order that the criminal record of the child will be expunged from the police station, then the problem can be solved automatically. In most cases, this is not written in the order. And even if JJ Board writes something like this in its order, it is not followed." “We are able to see a few such examples where the court has given its verdict in favour of the people who have been deprived of jobs. But who knows the exact number of such people who have not approached the court due to financial constraints or lack of awareness?” Advocate Shah said.In response to what should be the solution, Advocate Shah says that the governments are working according to the old policy. “Under the old policy, the government opposes giving government jobs to every person against whom a case is registered or who has been convicted. This is considered a criminal record of the person concerned. Rajasthan government should make a new policy in view of the JJ Act.”Haider says that once the court decides regarding an Act, the government should follow it in all future cases. "Today, in a particular case, a person is given relief on the orders of the court. If another case of the same nature comes up tomorrow, the government goes to court again."“The government’s attitude is to always escape through the backstreet. Many decisions have come from the HC and SC, but the government always looks for a way to deny jobs. As long as this attitude continues, juveniles will be entangled in court battles when they grow up," says Murh's lawyer Praveen Vyas.This story was originally published as a part of Crime and Punishment project in collaboration with Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy. Cover Photo - Representative image/ AI-generated using Canva