Interview with Saurav Malhotra: Bringing back forests, one village at a time

The brains behind the ‘Rural Futures’ programme in the Northeast shares the motivations and goals behind the Balipara Foundation’s habitat restoration initiative, which aims to restore the green cover of the region, improve people’s standard of living and lower human-animal conflictIn 2017, the Balipara Foundation ran a pilot project to restore the habitat corridor of Asian elephants in Udalguri, Assam. The region is endemic to the gentle giants, stretching from Assam to Arunachal Pradesh and crossing over to Bhutan. This habitat shrunk over the decades due to rampant deforestation, leading to an increase in human-elephant conflict, spelling trouble for both the indigenous tribes of the region and the elephants.To mitigate these consequences, the Balipara team put together a Rural Futures programme, focused on striking a balance between the ecology and livelihoods of local residents. It was started in 2020 in Baligaon village in Sonitpur and was later expanded to other parts of the state, as well as Nagaland and Manipur.In conversation with Saurav Malhotra, the brains behind the Rural Futures programme, 101Reporters goes into the depth of the initiative.How did you envision Rural Futures unfolding? How are you making sure that you meet your goals?The core idea behind our work is that we need more forests in as natural a way as possible. The Eastern Himalayan range is a huge ecosystem, defined by large rivers like Brahmaputra, diverse wildlife like elephants, royal Bengal tigers and one-horned rhinos. The forests regulate everything from livelihoods to water supply and food.The wave of deforestation here started about 140 years ago, when tea plantations came into the region, though it was most heavily felt in the past three to four decades. This felling of trees continued due to insurgency challenges, later giving way to infrastructural projects. The ecological damage extended to the quality of soil in the agricultural land the forests encompassed, and this loss of fertility, in turn, affected farmers' produce.Besides agriculture, the livelihoods of around 60% of the people here are dependent on forestry and ecotourism. However, with deforestation, residents turned to logging to augment their income, the easiest option here, highlighting the vicious cycle the region and its people are caught in.Furthermore, even though this part of Northeast India receives the highest amount of rainfall in the world, it still faces grave water issues due to poor a groundwater recharge system — another consequence of the loss of forest cover.So in 2016, within the Rural Futures model, the Balipara Foundation set out to find a way to engage indigenous communities in the restoration of this ecosystem. It was a challenge to involve them with no economic compensation, so we devised a mechanism to compensate them. Given that a forest needs 10 to 30 years to be restored, we turned to cultivating crops on monoculture and fallow land as a medium-term solution — instead of asking communities to wait for over a decade to harvest fruit or sustainable timber.The people were the most important component of the programme.We focused on building local leadership and the skills of youth to lead the Rural Futures initiative. Together with the communities, we designed agroforestry plots for their farmland that could grow 10 crops. This not only ensured that they don't lose all 10 crops at one go to any kind of weather phenomenon but also raised local incomes by about 40% in a year and almost 100% in three years!Did the community have any apprehensions when first approached?A common question we got was related to the proximity of the elephants. They feared that the animals, which continued to venture into their land even with a degraded forest cover, would harm them further if the forests redeveloped closer to their homes. But they needed to understand that elephants enter human settlements only in search of food, which was scarce in the forest at the time. If ecosystems are restored, bearing in mind the migration path of elephants and the availability of food, they will remain in their habitats and not venture close to humans. Restoring their habitat is the permanent solution to human-animal conflict.And at what level do you start engaging with the local residents?This depends on the state. Most northeastern states have different mechanisms of governance and land ownership. In Assam, the government owns most forests as protected areas. We engage with the forest department but begin with the elders of the village. The Joint Forest Management Committees (JFMCs) here are mostly dormant, so we find and revitalise them. We set up meetings with JFMCs as well the local youth, district forest officer and regional government. So in Assam, communities lead the programme from day one. It takes about six months to a year to engage and mobilise the community, depending on its size and that of the area we want to restore.Is it a challenge to negotiate with the forest department?It takes a while to convince the forest department of the merit of the programme because to accept such an initiative, they need to accept that there's been deforestation. Though if one begins to restore the forests with whatever kind of partnership, be it with the government or local community, the benefit is ultimately shared, isn't it?It's easier to convince them from an economic angle. After COP26, I think India set great targets, which we can begin to meet collectively. We can no longer afford to proceed with measures that resolve just ecological or economic problems independently of each other. We believe that all the problems in Northeast India are connected to the ecology of the region. Once you fix the ecology, you will begin to fix the economy and also improve people's standard of living.This is the lobbying pitch I share with the government — or anyone else!Would Rural Futures have been possible without community involvement?Not at all. The power of the community is bigger than the power of the economy in this project. It's institutionally impossible for any one organisation to work across Northeast India and plan the number of things we have to plan. Even the government's restoration plans cover a limited spread of land. It's key that we consider our idea bigger than any other. The land doesn't belong to you or me; it belongs to the community. Ultimately, it has to be led by them and the youth to be a sustainable initiative.What categories of lands are being restored?Through various models of partnerships with governments and communities, we restored some 10,000 hectares of land in Northeast India. A huge chunk of this is in Assam, and parts of it are in Nagaland and Manipur. There’s a 40:60 ratio between government-protected land and land that’s legally owned by communities. Restoring forests and restoring farmland are the two aspects of the project. Farmland that’s owned by a family or shared among the community is restored, along with community-owned common land, which is commonplace in the Northeast. The agroforestry model is also in similar categories of land.Now with regard to forest restoration… Take Nagaland, for example. Here, a plot of land may be collectively owned by the community as their forest; another chunk of forest cover may be divided among families. In the latter case, the benefits from the harvest are divided among the members of the community in proportion to the share of forestland they own. Communities usually nominate the biggest group to manage these agroforestry lands; the youth group manages the harvest, purchase and sale of the produce from these lands. The community then democratically decides what to do with the money earned.Is their harvest covered under the forest product MSP? What are the market links like?All non-agroforestry crops are endemic to the region and are allowed to be harvested and sold. But the whole of the Northeast lacks market links; the region possibly has the poorest supply-chain infrastructure in the country. We try to promote the purchase and sale of the produce in local markets, which are essentially clusters of four to five villages here, meeting a couple of times a week. We don't encourage communities to grow anything that has to be exported — even to the capital city — and instead stick to local markets. We are cognisant of the potential of these agroforestry products because of their high quality, but it may take two to three years to reach the potential for such growth.Would you say Rural Futures is replicable or scalable?After five years of learning, falling and relearning, we currently have a replication toolkit that’s been used in many states across the Northeast. It’s definitely a module that can be scaled, though we’re still trying to optimise how effectively and quickly.With regard to scalability… this programme can be effectively taken to any part of the world where there are people ready to get involved. It has immense potential across South Asia, Central Africa and Latin America. We need to understand as a global society that nature forms the bedrock of our economy. Ecological-centric development does not mean you don't have industry. You can have industry centred around nature — think bamboo or sustainable wood — because without ecology, where is your economy?Note: This is an edited version of a telephonic interview conducted by Ayswarya Murthy and Aishwarya Tripathi.All pictured sourced via Balipara Foundation websiteThis article is a part of a 101Reporters' series on The Promise Of Commons. In this series, we will explore how judicious management of shared public resources can help the ecosystem as well as the communities inhabiting it.

Battling effects of pandemic on female literacy in India — have all efforts been reversed?

Stakeholders of the Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya initiative fear that the unprecedented gap away from school during the pandemic would result in a large number of dropouts and early marriages of young girls from marginalised communitiesBengaluru: Chottan Paswan lived in Mustafapur village of Punpun block, 15 km from Patna. His 15-year-old daughter Pinki* Paswan had been a beneficiary of the central government’s education initiative, Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya (KGBV). The teenager had hoped to pass her exams amid the pandemic, but her school had been shut, like all other educational institutes nationwide. It was difficult to cope with the syllabus without any face-to-face academic guidance. Belonging to one of the most marginalised sections of the country, the Dalit community, Pinki was a first-generation learner of her family — neither Chottan nor anyone else in her house was educated to provide her the academic assistance she needed. The result was obvious yet disappointing — she failed. Had Pinki passed her assessments, she “could have escaped the early marriage her parents were planning for her”.At its inception in 2004, KGBV was a visionary flagship programme by the Government of India. It aimed to bridge the literacy gap among girls from economically backward blocks (EBBs). The idea was to identify the blocks where the female rural literacy rate was below the national average (i.e. below 46.13% as per Census 2001) and the gender gap in literacy was more than the national average of 21.67% — and target filling this gap for girls belonging to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and minority groups, as well as those from below-poverty-line (BPL) backgrounds.KGBVs were sanctioned as residential schools from class 6 to class 12 and later integrated with Samagra Shiksha, effective from 2018-19. At least 75% of the girls enrolled had to belong to SC, ST and minority communities, the remaining 25% to the BPL category. The residential nature of these schools was to ensure that the girls did not drop out due to social and financial issues associated with EBBs, such as lack of toilets, poor nutrition and unavailable electricity.KGBV enrolled girls in rural Bihar (Photo Credits- Avinash Ujjwal)Even 18 years since its constitution, KGBVs still hold relevance, considering the lower female literacy rates as compared to the national average of 64.63% (as per Census 2011) in states like Bihar, which has the lowest female literacy in the country at 51.50 % (as per Census 2011), 13.13% lower than the national average. Uttar Pradesh ranks 31 among all the states and union territories, with female literacy rate at 57.18% (as per Census 2011).According to government data, factor such as poverty, gender and social inequities are impeding female literacy in these states. KGBV had been established to address these very factors. There’s no doubt that the gaps still exist, but it’s a way forward as explained by the principal of KGBV of Gorthan village, Kalpana Bhoir. Set up in Gorthan of Palghar district in Maharashtra, this KGBV had been acting as a bridging school to admit girls who had dropped out and giving them another chance to pursue studies — something they “had to abandon due to domestic responsibilities and a financial crunch”.“I believe the real progress is when a girl child gets educated. What we teach them gets reflected back in their homes,” Bhoir said.She cited instances of young girls informing her of their marriages being arranged. She and other teachers would then “personally meet and counsel their parents”. And to motivate the girls and their families to send them to the residential school was one of the key components of the KGBV programme.“We would emphasise that they are bright students, deserving and capable, and must not be made to marry. They should rather be allowed to pursue higher education,” she said, adding that she would witness “a change in their mindset” after counselling the parents. “The parents would be happy to continue their daughter’s education after speaking to us.”However, as the Covid-19 pandemic hit globally, KGBVs felt its effects, too. This impact could be seen on girls like Pinki, who despite the will to study had no access to resources — both technological and human — to continue.A student attending class in KGBV residential school, rural Bihar (Photo Credits- Avinash Ujjwal)Like Pinki, 18-year-old Manju* from Punpun block’s Tarwa village had been going to school before it was ordered shut during the pandemic. Her routine had involved studying and sports activities, but with classes suspended, she had taken upon herself chores that were tedious labour for a child her age.The teenager was one of the thousands of girls whose routines had drastically changed during the pandemic. The 18-year-old, who studied in Class 8 at a KGBV, had taken up working in the fields harvesting wheat with her father and household chores with her mother.During the pan-India lockdown, online teaching was accepted as an alternative to the classroom experience. KGBVs, too, adopted this model of education. However, the drawback was that these economically backward blocks, the fulcrum of KGBVs, were not financially strong enough to afford online education. The basic requirements to access digital learning — a smartphone and an internet connection — remained out of reach for these marginal communities. Till December 31, 2019, only 29.83 in 100 had an internet subscription in rural India. Here, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh registered even lower figures at 21.69, 21.64 and 23.88 percent.Citing his past experience, Akhileshwar Sharma, the Director of the KGBV in Punpun block and also the principal of Punpun Secondary School, had been worried.“Even pre-pandemic, girls would drop out after a long holiday and not return once the school would reopen. [Sometimes] they would rejoin school after many follow ups,” he elaborated his worry. There are fears that the pandemic will worsen the situation, given the unprecedented disconnect these girls have had from their schools.“Our school was announced shut on March 13, 2020. There were 100 girls enrolled back then. There’s a possibility that due to financial crunches and poor awareness, their parents will get them married. We could call them dropouts because it would be very difficult to bring them back,” Sharma added.The Punpun KGBV director realises that the girls enrolled at his school were “far behind in educational levels” and needed to be pushed. Though despite a few  success stories, wherein the efforts of teachers like Bhoir and Sharma brought these girls back to the residential school, the challenges will persist.After dropping out and rejoining, teachers like Manisha Patil often had to “begin their lessons from scratch, which included teaching them the basics like alphabets”. An English teacher for over 10 years at the KGBV in Gorthan village, Patil had been “giving classes to girls from tribal communities”, most of them first-generation learners from their families.The pandemic-induced lockdown had given Patil plenty to worry about. Communicating with her students, for instance, had been a challenge. The students “would not understand any other language but their own dialect”.“Sometimes we would use their dialect to make them understand subjects like manners and etiquette,” she added. “The biggest challenge would be to get them mentally prepared to study because all of them, after such a long gap, would have forgotten much of their studies.”Across the country, more than five lakh girls from disadvantaged groups receive education through KGBVs, improving the overall female literacy figures for India. However, Sharma fears that all the efforts of KGBVs to educate girls from the marginalised communities of Punpun block would be reversed due to the challenges of the pandemic. Pratima Paswan, the founder of Gaurav Grameen Mahila Vikas Manch, an NGO working towards social upliftment of Mahadalit girls, echoed these fears: “Female dropouts from schools would widen the gender gap, which would then result in their marriage at a younger age and early pregnancy.”*The names of all minors quoted have been changed to protect their identity.(Inputs from Dev Kotak and Avinash Ujjwal)

Pakistani churches on high alert, amp up security following rise of Taliban

(Picture credit - leenient/Flickr)By Sania ArifFollowing the Taliban’s return to power in neighbouring Afghanistan, churches across Pakistan have increased their security arrangements due to the renewed threat of terrorist attacks. Islamabad: At a meeting of Catholic and Protestant leaders in Pakistan, the senior clergy agreed to tighten surveillance and take additional security measures, especially during Sunday services. With the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan, there are serious concerns of extremist incidents aimed at minority communities, especially the Christians as Christmas draws near.While the government claims that religious minorities enjoy complete freedom and that the state is ensuring the protection of their places of worship, vandalisation of churches, temples and Ahmadiyya mosques at the hands of Islamist groups and mobs has been regularly reported. Sindh Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah says that jihadist groups do pose a threat to worship places like churches, especially in the aftermath of the Taliban’s rise to power.“Appeasing [radical Islamist] groups would encourage more such groups. There is a need for a national consensus to deal with the threat [posed by jihadist outfits],” said Shah. “The scale of [radical Islamist] groups has increased. The write of the state is being increasingly challenged,” he added.Sajid Christopher, human rights activist and chief executive of Human Friends Organization, confirmed that there were indeed fears that the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and other militant groups would target religious minorities following their overthrow of the Afghan government. “The Taliban have frequently targeted churches and Christian institutes,” he said. “[There are fears] that they will be targeted again.”Past attacks on Pakistan’s Christian minorityAlthough attacks on the Christian community in Pakistan are common, such strikes on churches rose in frequency and intensity since the terrorist attacks in the United States on September 11, 2001.One may recall the December 2017 bombing of Quetta’s Bethel Memorial Methodist Church ahead of Christmas; nine people were killed and dozens were injured in the attack. In 2016, at least 72 people were killed and more than 300 were injured when a suicide bomb ripped through the parking space of a crowded park in Lahore, where people were celebrating Easter Sunday.In December 2015, two bomb blasts killed at least 14 people near two churches in a Christian neighbourhood of Lahore. And in March the same year, more than 70 people were injured in explosions targeting worshippers attending Sunday mass at churches in the city’s Youhanabad area.Similarly, in September 2013, All Saints Church in Peshawar witnessed a deadly terror attack, in which 127 people were killed and over 250 injured.“We have always had security concerns, but many churches have issued warnings and increased security because of the developments in Afghanistan and an increase in Taliban attacks,” said Imran Maseeh, a regular at All Saints Church.The need for more securityAlthough the past few years have been free from any major terror incidents, Christians, including in Lahore, Gojra and Gujranwala, have been the targets of several stray incidents. There have been cases of mob violence against them, and radical Islamists have also targeted places of worship of minorities. Such events have forced authorities to take additional precautions.Lahore-based Saima Bhatti, a frequent churchgoer, revealed that she and her family are being cautious. “We won’t compromise on our faith and rituals,” she asserted. “But we have to check whether churches are ensuring sufficient security, especially with just a few weeks to go for Christmas.”Experts note that most attacks on Pakistani churches have either been carried out by the TTP, its allies, or its factions that became a part of the Islamic State in Khorasan (ISK) in 2015. As a result of this trend, the return of Taliban rule in Afghanistan and the ISK-orchestrated violence in the region, there’s a sense of panic among Pakistani Christians.Recent months have also seen a rise in TTP attacks in Pakistan. Observers noted a spike in July, when the Afghan Taliban stepped up their offensive, and the Pakistani Taliban claimed more attacks after the group took full control of Afghanistan. Govt action requiredAccording to data compiled by the Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), an independent research institute in Islamabad, in the first six months of 2021, the TTP claimed responsibility for 44 attacks. Till September 15, the TTP claimed to have killed Pakistani law enforcement personnel in 53 attacks.“The rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan has encouraged such extremist organisations around the world,” said Muhammad Amir Rana, director of PIPS and an expert on counterterrorism.It was bearing this scenario in mind that Christian leaders decided to amp up armed protection at churches, especially during Sunday services. And given the new realities of the region, many from the community are concerned that the government won’t pay heed to the security requirements of religious minorities.“The political leadership and the police have been busy protecting the [attackers],” claimed Samson Javaid, referring to the Shanti Nagar massacre of local Christians that continues to be commemorated as a reminder of the state’s failure to protect the minority group. “Meanwhile, lawlessness is on the rise, and Christians are forced to leave their villages out of fear. Prime Minister Imran Khan and the Chief Justice of Pakistan are requested to protect the local Christians.”

TTP rejects Pakistan’s amnesty offer; govt maintains need for dialogue

Representational Image (Picture credit - ResoluteSupportMedia/Flickr)By Sania ArifDespite announcing a ceasefire with the Pakistani government on October 1, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has continued to orchestrate attacks in the country. Islamabad: Last week, five security personnel were killed in three separate attacks near the Afghanistan border. While the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has denied that it orchestrated the attack, the group has claimed multiple attacks in Pakistan over the past two months.Last month, a soldier of the Pakistan Army was killed in North Waziristan. This incident followed a bomb attack on a local political leader, for which the TTP claimed responsibility. A day after that five law enforcement personnel — police and security agency officers — were killed in Bajaur on the Afghan border.The TTP announced a 20-day ceasefire after Prime Minister Imran Khan said his government was in talks with some factions of the proscribed group, and that they would be pardoned if they surrendered. The TTP rejected Islamabad’s amnesty offer and, instead, demanded that the government impose Islamic Sharia law in the Muslim-majority South Asian nation. “Some groups of the Pakistani Taliban want to discuss peace and reconciliation with Pakistan,” Khan said in an interview. “We are in talks with them.” When asked whether the Afghan Taliban was helping to mediate the dialogue, the prime minister responded in the affirmative, saying it was because “the talks are taking place in Afghanistan”.Following the Taliban’s takeover of Kabul, Khan had lauded the development as the locals ‘breaking the shackles of slavery’. The statement, coming from the head of a country officially allied with the US against jihadist groups in Afghanistan, was seen by experts as evidence of Pakistan’s doublespeak in the region, and of Islamabad’s support to the Afghan Taliban.Last month, President Arif Alvi and Foreign Affairs Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, too, had said that the government would extend amnesty to TTP members if they were not involved with the armed group any longer and don't engage in criminal activities.However, Qureshi had expressed concern about the news that TTP leaders were being released from prisons after the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan. “After their release, if they create problems for us here, it will affect the lives of innocent people, and we don't want that,” he had said. The Taliban’s reactionIn response to Khan’s statements on the ongoing talks between the two sides, the TTP said they were an organised movement with a collective policy, and not a victim of factionalism.“The TTP has not declared a ceasefire anywhere, and our policy on meaningful dialogue is clear,” TTP spokesperson Mohammad Khorasani said, also warning media houses against branding the group a “terrorist outfit” and using terms such as “terrorists” and “extremists”.On the government’s amnesty offer, the TTP said, “Pardon is usually offered to those who commit crimes, but we are quite proud of our struggle. We can offer conditional amnesty to our enemy, if they promise to implement Sharia in the country.” The Pakistan government, the army and the Taliban have tried to reach an agreement on several occasions in the past. In fact, the country entered into both formal written and unwritten agreements with a number of extremist organisations and reached three such major pacts in Swat and South Waziristan. Analysts believe there are two important references to these agreements. First, at the time of these negotiations, the state writ in these areas was exhausted and the army was in loss, which left the government in a weak position and gave the extremists the upper hand. Second, nearly all these agreements failed to bring about peace, as a result of which militant groups could not only make headway in these areas but could also spread to others.“It’s likely that Pakistan may, once again, seek help from the Afghan Taliban to negotiate with the TTP,” said security analyst Rasool Dawar. “If they are successful, Pakistan won’t be targeted by the TTP.”“However, the presence of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is a threat to both the Afghan Taliban and Pakistan because the Afghan Taliban has no control over ISIS.”According to the Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), the TTP claimed responsibility for as many as 14 attacks in August and September alone. While their attacks have been more prominent since the Afghan Taliban’s takeover in Kabul, the power of the Pakistan Taliban has been on the rise in tribal regions for the past couple of years.“The TTP had fragmented into various factions, but they have been reuniting of late,” explained Director of Pips, Muhammad Amir Rana. “This has led to an increase in their attacks.”Casualties over the yearIn 2020, as many as 220 people were killed and 547 injured in 146 terrorist incidents, including three suicide bombings, in the country, according to PIPs data. Moreover, 67 terrorist attacks were reported last year in the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas, which are now part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. At least 100 people were killed and 206 injured in 79 attacks in this northwestern province in 2020.Balochistan was the other highly affected province, with 95 people killed and 216 injured in 42 terrorist attacks. Similarly, 20 deaths and 66 injuries were reported in 18 attacks in Sindh, and five were killed and 59 injured in seven such incidents in Punjab. Experts maintain that regional cooperation is needed to thwart attacks by extra state militia. Both Afghanistan and Pakistan have long accused each other of harbouring terror outfits that target their respective territories. Now, there is speculation over whether this could change, with the Taliban in charge in Kabul.“In recent years, Pakistan and Afghanistan have followed a two-way mechanism, including security and intelligence cooperation,” said Mansoor Ahmad Khan, the Pakistani ambassador to Afghanistan. “Therefore, Afghanistan would need to participate in an international counterterror network.”On November 8, the TTP and Pakistan agreed on another month-long ceasefire. The Afghan Taliban Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi confirmed to the BBC that the group is mediating a new round of talks between the TTP and the Pakistan government. Some of the demands include a political office for TTP in a third country, the reversal of the merger of Federal Administered Tribal Areas with the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province and the introduction of an Islamic system in Pakistan. The Pakistani government has rejected their demands and has asked TTP to lay down their arms and issue a public apology for the terror attacks they perpetuated as a precursor for amnesty. 

Book Review: The Great Indian Fraud: Serious Frauds Which Shook the Economy

By Rohini DRight at the beginning, author Smarak Swain, an officer of the Indian Revenue Service (IRS) who presently works as Deputy Secretary in Ministry of Finance, points out, “Financial frauds are cheat codes that can undermine a free market economy.”In an era, where gaming the system is considered hip and glorified, Swain painstakingly explains the systematic skews that led to financial crimes or scams in India. Though the financial world might seem incredibly confusing, the author has made an incredible attempt to push what could an academic textbook into the coffee tables of a common Indian.“Fraud investigation in India is done by numerous law enforcement agencies. Different agencies tackle different frauds. Some agencies specialise in prosecution or asset recovery, while others specialise in fraud detection. As a result, no one agency takes complete ownership of busting frauds. At the same time, some frauds manage to wriggle through the gaps in detection and enforcement. For instance, the income tax department investigates all kinds of financial frauds because frauds violate multiple provisions of tax laws. But they cannot take pre-emptive action when they detect a possible fraud. They can, however, report it to other agencies. SEBI can take pre-emptive action when the securities market is involved, or when money is fraudulently raised from the public. EOW and CBI investigate bank frauds when banks report possible fraud. ED gets involved to take action against money laundering, which invariably happens in every fraud. But ED’s mandate is limited to enforcement of anti-money laundering laws. SFIO takes up a case for investigation on receiving specific reference.”- Excerpt The red tape associated with fraud detection and the amount of effort required to find a flaw in a globalised system is explained beautifully. The author breaks down difficult-to-understand jargons into simple terms and explains complex economic theories in a layman’s language. I think its’ the most comprehensive coverage of scams in India. The lucid explanation through the usage of live examples of the ongoing investigations into various recent scams that have rocked the economic macro system of India helps one understand the level of ‘creative accounting’ that takes place to game the system. Needless to say, it’s the perspective of an insider as Swain who is an ace investigator himself in the income tax department.He points out that the State has no role in a free-market economy, but the State has to intervene to prevent or manage market failures: “Control and supervision in a system cannot be overdone; partly because control has its costs, partly because control slows down the system. Hence, control has to be optimised. Control cannot be all-encompassing. Systems that run on trust are the most efficient system, and produce the most economic value. An ideal system runs without any control or supervision. It is based on trust. No cost is incurred on control. No time is lost in checks and balances.Hence, the most effective prevention strategy is to optimise control: expand control without letting the cost of control escalate. The scope of control has definitely increased over the years, and we are living in times when information technology has provided cheap solutions for expanding control. Neural networks and artificial intelligence algorithms have managed to predict frauds from financial statements with reasonable accuracy. Financial institutions, corporate houses, and government regulators should make extensive use of information technology in supervision and fraud prediction.However, reactive laws usually have unintended consequences. Many times, such laws have an adverse impact on genuine businesses. Some laws brought in reaction to serious frauds are so draconian that they throw the proverbial baby with the bathwater.”- Excerpt The aplomb with which Swain carries off the burden of giving details of those scams that are still under investigation is indeed an art. Occasionally, he dabbles in international scams that rocked some of the most mature economies and drew a parallel to the Indian context. After all, it makes sense to learn from the mistakes of others.“Effective deterrence also goes a long way in reducing the number of severity of frauds. India has invested significant diplomatic and legal resources in extradition of fugitive economic offenders cooling their heels in other countries. Extradition attempts are not always successful, and the few successes come after protracted legal battles in foreign courts. But such measures act as deterrence for others who harbour ill intentions for making a quick buck. Extradition efforts show that the government will keep chasing fraudsters their entire life, and mete out justice. International cooperation has gone a long way in clamping down on economic offenders. The Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi called for joint action against fugitive economic offenders in the G20 summit in Buenos Aires in 2018. He suggested a nine-point agenda to tackle economic offenders, including strong and active economic cooperation, cooperation in legal processes, extradition, exchange of information, and stopping entry and safe haven to economic offenders. He found strong support for his vision in the 2019 summit of the G20 group of countries in Osaka, Japan, from the host Shinzo Abe. In November 2019, BRICS countries reaffirmed their commitment to denying safe haven to economic and corruption offenders.”- ExcerptFrom teak plantation scams of the 90s to the chit funds, the book does it all to unravel the swindlers. The book works through the tapestry of those who cook the scams the chefs who cook the books for the scamsters. Be it the scandal of ‘good times’, or the new investment-fix of the celebrities, Bitcoin, the book does justice in uncovering the modus operandi of these white-collar crimes that compromise a country’s economy and the trust that it is supposed to espouse in this highly globalised world.“How do we prepare for the next big fraud? How do we prevent these frauds from spreading like cancer in our economy? As has been demonstrated in each and every chapter of this book, serious frauds stick to few basic modus operandi. They have been following these modus operandi for generations now. They cannot be completely stopped because they prey on areas where control does not exist.”- ExcerptAll in all, the book does well to educate an average Indian on scams, providing valuable insights into how the scams take off and how one should remain insulated from these fraudsters.

Locals worried as ESZ declared around Kudremukh National Park

By Haris HosmarAfter the union forest ministry reclassified the one-kilometre zone from the Kudremukh National Park (KNP) boundaries on July 2 as an eco-sensitive zone (ESZ), the locals are worried that their means of livelihood and developmental activities in the area would be impacted.Experts state that though the order is in the best interests of the KNP as it provides a habitat for endangered flora and fauna, it has caused a rise in fear among the indigenous communities even though the radius of the ESZ was brought down from 10 kilometres to one kilometre. The fear of the implementation of the Kasturirangan report, which promised to bring 27% of Western Ghats under ESZ, has caused a lot of anxiety among the people of the area in the past. The KNP is spread over Chikkamagaluru, Udupi and Dakshina Kannada districts in Karnataka.The KNP is home to tiger, leopard, wild dog, elephant, sambar, spotted deer and globally endangered species such as the Malabar Dancing Frog and the lion-tailed monkey. Forest officials state that these protected areas have been declared as an ecologically sensitive zone to avoid disturbances from human activities. The government argues that the main purpose of the zone is to prevent all human activities within the national park and to prevent instances of human-animal conflict.Speaking to 101Reporters, deputy conservation officer of Kudremukh wildlife division, Karkala, P Rutran clarified that there is no restriction on selling or buying land in the area. He emphasised that ecotourism can play an important part in the realisation of the region’s potential, but there is no chance for construction of a large hotel or resort on a large scale. He added that farmers don’t need any permission from the forest department to dig for borewells. However, large scale industrial activities such as mining are prohibited in almost 60 villages and 108 revenue sectors of three districts. Impact on localsThe forest department had earlier put a stop on the widening of National Highway 169, which passes through the KNP. It is a major highway through the Bajagoli of Udupi district, passing through the SK Border of the KNP and connects Shivamogga via Kerekatte, Sringeri, Koppa and Tirthahalli.  In addition, many villages in Chikkamagaluru, Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts have access to the road from the park. The locals believe that these projects, which is instrumental for their daily life, would be hampered after the ESZ announcement. For the 1,300-odd families residing within the national park, there is no electricity connection and there’s no internet or proper mobile network connectivity. During the pandemic, it proved to be a hurdle for students who could access online education programmes.However, with the help of government subsidies and NGOs, solar lamps have been installed, but since the weather remains cloudy throughout the year, the lamps remain non-functional for the majority of the time, stated Ramachandra Bhat, a member of Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS), a Bengaluru-based environmental collective.The students usually have to walk for six kilometres for schooling and though there are undergraduate colleges, students have to travel on foot for long distances, and it’s difficult for them, mentioned local social activist Shivananda S Pandru.Viswanatha, a resident of the ESZ range in Udupi district, stated that though the government says they want to reduce man-animal conflict, he believes that the presence of tribal communities hasn’t hampered the animals, birds or any kind of forest growth.Experts have mixed reactionsRamachandra Bhat, a member of Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS), a Bengaluru-based environmental collective, stated that the decision will be beneficial for locals as it will minimise pollution in the area and also decrease man-animal conflict.“Hundreds of families already housed inside the KNP have been resettled with millions of rupees from the government.  However, the order stated that no one will be harassed by the present action. However, more than 1,200 families inside the KNP have not yet been resettled,” he added.Even though the market value of the park is low, the forest department is buying revenue land of tribals and converting it into a forest land at a price of over Rs 30 lakh per acre and this has improved the lives of the local population and it gives an opportunity to get jobs and to do small businesses, mentioned Bhat.Shivananda S. Pandru, a local social worker, stated that since the KNP has been created, the residents have faced tremendous hardships. He added that even the alleged timber mafia has kept looting the forest while the forest department could do nothing. In the meanwhile, the locals were harassed and had to get permission for agriculture or any construction.“The poor are being treated unfairly by the forest department. The government, which cares about animals, birds and plants, has no sympathy for human beings around it,” he commented.Sridhar Gowda, general secretary of the Karnataka chapter of Malekudiya Association, an organisation fighting for the rights of tribal communities, told 101Reporters that construction of roads and bridges, which are basic for the original residents, require permission from the forest department.With this move, infrastructural development of the area is being disrupted, and as per law, the state should not negate the rights of tribal communities, he added.

A year after Karbi Anglong mob lynching, court case heading nowhere

Karbi Anglong, Assam: When the lynching case of Abhijeet Nath and Nilotpal Das had gone to trial, it seemed like an open-and-shut case. There were numerous eyewitnesses to the incident, and the case was expected to be totally in favour of the victims and posed difficulties for the bail of attackers. But it has been more than a year, and the straightforward trial has been stretched as a number of witnesses have turned hostile.On June 7, 2019, the Sessions Court in Nagaon permitted the prosecutors to examine the hostile witnesses again, but the defence has filed for a review petition against the order. The caseOn June 8, 2018, Abhijeet and Nilotpal had an altercation with a local at Kangthilangso in Karbi Anglong district of Assam. The local, Alphajoz Timung then allegedly spread a false rumour of having spotted a pair of ‘child lifters’, and asked the residents of Panjuri Kacharigaon to block the way of one black Sports Utility Vehicle heading towards Guwahati.  The air was rife with rumours of child abductors in the area already, a resident of Panjuri said. He added that although no child ever went missing, people were alert and were ready to catch the lifters if they crossed ways. Timung, taking advantage of the fear amongst villagers, was successful in assembling hundreds quickly who were armed with sticks, sickles and axes. They stopped the car at Panjuri, dragged Nilotpal and Abhijeet out and started thrashing them.Shortly after the incident, the Supreme Court said horrendous acts of mobocracy cannot be tolerated and should be curbed with iron hands. The apex court further said lynching cases should be tried by fast-track courts in each district under the supervision of the Superintendent of Police and preferably concluded in six months.The police of Dokmoka acted swiftly and arrested 47 men guilty of procuring and being involved in the murder of Abhijeet and Nilotpal. Special Public Prosecutor Ziaul Kamar and Advocate Bijan Mahajan were appointed to try the case on behalf of the victims’ families. The matter was later shifted from Karbi Anglong to Nagaon district by the High Court on request by Advocate Bijan Mahajan to avoid any influence. The chargesheet was filed within 90 days, and the first hearing was held on November 8, 2018, in Sessions Court, Nagaon.After the first hearing, the judge directed the accused to be tried under several sections of Indian Penal Code including Section 302 for murder, 144 for rioting, 186 for obstructing public servant from performing duty and other sections for theft and having used deadly weapons.Along with the Officer-in-Charge of Dokmoka Police Station, there were several witnesses, mostly villagers who testified before the court were spectators to the violence and murder while also identifying some of the accused. David Ingti, a Karbi villager, narrated how the boys were mercilessly hit and beaten to death and identified one of the primary perpetrators, Alphajoz Timung, as he spread the rumour. Two other important witnesses were Ganesh Bordoloi and his cousin Kusha Bordoloi. Kusha Bordoloi revealed that the phone call he received on June 9, 2018, from one Onda Mech, who boasted about killing two boys (child lifters) in their village the previous day.Even though the case looked strong and identification of 25 accused was done, defence lawyer Manas Sarania did his best to defend his clients. He argued that it was only because of the fear that was prevalent in the village that the villagers attacked the boys and hence they can be tried leniently. Sarania also tried to prove that witnesses were providing statements under massive pressure from the Dokmoka police.Sarania, who initially had problems with the accused being handcuffed when brought to court, has now filed bail applications for 45 of the accused, the judgement of which is expected to be out soon.Ankur Saikia, Nilotpal’s childhood friend, alleged that the defence lawyers are lengthening the process to avoid frequent hearings and influencing the witnesses in the meantime while also filing bail applications for the accused.  Hostile witnessesThree important witnesses have turned hostile and deviated from their earlier statements. Numol Basumatary, a witness from Panjuri and brother to one of the accused, had earlier stated that he was an eye witness to the entire incident, identified 12 of the accused and gave away a lot of crucial information regarding the incident.“The witnesses have recorded their statements in front of the Judicial Magistrate and named the majority of the accused. The court is looking into their deviation from their previous statements and verifying, so the argument that they did it under police pressure will hopefully be discarded and their earlier testimonies will be taken which is in our favour,” said Ziaul Kamar. He added that he expects dire punishment for five of the accused, against whom there are severe charges while stating that it is imperative to set a precedent to control mob violence in the future.Indranil Barua, Additional Superintendent of Police of Diphu, said, “We have done our best by identifying and arresting the culprits, but now because of obvious reasons, the witnesses are changing comments doesn’t come as a surprise. This is why we had recorded their statements under Section 164 of Code of Criminal Procedure initially”.Ankur Saikia revealed that a few witnesses were approached by the families of the accused offering bribes. “Numol Basumatary in the last hearing said he does not recognise anyone who was involved in the murder, but there were gestures and winks exchanged between him and a few accused which clearly hinted that he wasn’t being honest to the court,” he added.“We have tried to keep the departed alive through cultural events across the country in the past few months and have formed the ‘Abhi-Neel Smriti Raksha Samiti’ to help victims of hate crimes in the future so that there won’t be any Abhijeet Nath or Nilotpal Das again,” Ankur said.

Why Karnataka is crucial for Congress

Bengaluru: No one can say they didn’t see it coming. Since the fractured mandate last year and rushed stitch-up of a shaky coalition between JD(S) and Congress, there has always been an undercurrent of unease, mistrust and a sense that the government may implode any moment; only held together, apparently, by the sheer will power (and money power) of a select few in the Congress and JD(S) camps. Slighted by their near-miss majority, BJP was always waiting in the wings, looking for every opportunity to avenge their leader BS Yeddyurappa’s two-day reign as the CM. While the status-quo has been maintained, for now, a fresh opportunity is just around the corner with the assembly starting its Budget Session today.The coalition’s ignominious defeat in the Lok Sabha polls only brought to the fore the anger and resentment among the leaders and cadre of both the parties, rich with personal rivalries and bruised egos over cabinet positions denied. Amidst a leadership crisis at the Centre, the prestige and credibility of the Congress party has taken a huge hit with scenes of rebel MLAs being holed up in hotels, asking for police protection from their leaders to senior state leaders mobbing MLAs in the Vidhana Soudha and dragging them off into closed-door meetings. While everyone awaits a resolution from the Supreme Court to see if the rebel MLAs will be allowed to resign or be disqualified instead, it’s clear that two of the resignations are a particularly hard pill to swallow for the coalition – that of former JD(S) president A H Vishwanath and seven-time MLA and four-time minister Ramalinga Reddy of the Congress.One of them will be accommodated and the other will be sidelined, according to Muzaffar Azadi, Professor at the Political Science department at Mysore University. And who is going to emerge on top of this “artificial crisis” is obvious from the nuances of this week’s dirty political dance. AH Vishwanath, a former Congress leader who joined the JD(S) in 2017, had recently resigned from his party post, taking responsibility for the Lok Sabha debacle. Calling him the “mastermind” behind the unfolding events, Azadi says Vishwanath will find himself being isolated for his role in it. “It’s clear from the rebel MLAs openly accepting that they resigned in the absence of the Speaker, that they know their resignations will be invalid. Now that a whip has been issued, they have to show up in the assembly early next week when the budget is introduced.” His role in the crisis may have been greater in the beginning than it is now as he finds himself no longer the key figure in the future days of this government. Managing Editor of Pickle Jar and political commentator, Vasanthi Hariprakash says of him, "Despite being the JD(S) state president he didn't enough muscle to get a Zila Panchayat member elected and was consistently given the short-shift by his own party supremo."A similar and more crucial case is that of Reddy. He has made it clear he is not associated with the other Congress rebel MLAs, who still haven’t come up with the reasons behind their sudden resignations (except for vaguely stating they have been troubled by the rampant corruption or brashtachara). Reddy’s reasons have always been clear; a veteran Congressman who has never really shifted sides, he didn't quite make any noise when the coalition government was formed last year but has started feeling the resentment now, according to Hariprakash. Having held portfolios like Home and Transport, he was shockingly left out of the conflict-ridden cabinet creation last year and also its expansion recently. Two independent MLAs were inducted into the Cabinet instead (both of them have since resigned and pledged support to the BJP) and Reddy, already hurting over the increasing prominence of younger leaders like Dinesh Gundu Rao, Priyank Kharge and Krishna Byregowda in the party, was bound to publicly take up his displeasure with the party. The party will be compelled to give him his due, according to Azadi says. But why did it take so long? "Anyone who knows Mr Reddy will tell you that it's hard to know what is on his mind. HD Kumaraswamy may have underestimated his anger and growing resentment and didn't expect him to strike out to the extent of resigning.""Here is a man who has won so many terms as an MLA and has an unofficial hold on the BBMP, which you may say is a parallel government of the capital of Karnataka," according to Hariprakash. "For someone like him to be left out of decision making and not be consulted in matters concerning even Bangalore has been too much to take. So this is him coming out to say - This far and no further." And his gamble is the most likely to pay off. “He is a senior member of the party and a seasoned politician. He will be accommodated,” Azadi says. Not only because he is very important for the Congress’ hold over the city, but his daughter Sowmya Reddy, Jayanagar's MLA, has also been indicating she might follow her father. “They both will be given positions in the new Cabinet,” said Azadi; the Cabinet is after all wide open after the mass resignations of all its members last week, a clear signal to dissatisfied MLAs that they will be entertained. 

Climate change stripping Ladakh of its very identity

Ladakh: Blame global warming, the times they are a-changin'. And Ladakh is one of those places where it’s more evident than elsewhere. Extending from the Siachen glacier to the Himalayas, the picturesque region evokes mental imagery of Buddhist architecture and snow-laden surroundings. Now, both have begun to disappear.Climate change is costing the region its identity in more ways than one. Wooden roofing of buildings is increasingly making way for concrete ones to cope with heavy rainfall. Downpours, which used to be alien to the area, have been destroying Buddhist paintings and carvings in monasteries. Add to that the standard casualty of climate change: dwindling water resources and agriculture.Traditionally, houses in Ladakh have had a wooden roof, built to withstand heavy snowfall. However, the receding glacial snow, unusually heavy rainfall, floods and changing weather patterns have significantly changed the lifestyle of the residents of the arid desert of Ladakh, the north Indian city bordering Pakistan and China.To accommodate severe weather conditions, the conventional structures are now being renovated and modified into concrete spaces. The old wooden structures are unable to withstand the heavy rainfall Ladakh has been witnessing over the last few years.Earlier, roofs in Ladakh were made of wood, stone and clay to withstand extreme snowfall. Such roofs are inadequate to protect in case of heavy rain. Residents are now forced to use the more expensive tin or concrete to cover their homes.Washing away historyOwing to the rapid climate change, the region’s culture is also under siege. Paintings and carvings in Buddhist monasteries that dot the cold region have been ruined because of seepage of incessant rains during the last few years.A study on heritage conservation in Ladakh by the American Institute for Conservation of Historic and Artistic Works explained how this significant increase in rainfall over the last decade has affected different kinds of heritage structures. “The region is now experiencing short but heavy downpours that the traditional mud structures are not equipped to withstand,” the report noted.The paper also discussed how old structures are facing extreme water seepage, which has caused both internal and external damage. The study also added that in the long run, melting glaciers from the Himalayan and Karakoram mountain ranges threaten these heritage structures.Fear of floodsSeveral theories have been put forward regarding the sudden climate change in Ladakh; locals, however, believe the government’s green drive in the 90s—where thousands of trees were planted across the region—could be behind the unusually high rainfall. Since the late 90s, the Army and other government agencies spent lakhs on the desert development programme for afforestation in Ladakh, planting trees like willow and other fruit-bearing plants to increase the green cover in the arid desert. However, there are no scientific studies to prove this claim.Less snowfall and heavy rainfall is a major cause of concern for locals who say they have never witnessed such erratic climatic conditions. In 2010, flash floods shook the city of Leh where more than 200 people died and thousands lost their valuables and homes.Rinchen Dorje, 62, a government teacher from Leh, changed his traditional wooden structure to concrete a couple of years after retirement to escape from the damage that rains cause almost every year. His house was partially destroyed in 2010 flash floods. “Fear of rain and floods is still fresh in our minds,” he said.Iqbal Bijal, president of Society for Knowledge Improvisation Through Promoting Opportunities, an NGO working for the uplift of the poor in Ladakh, said there were times when the region would witness no rainfall throughout the year. “This is a phenomenon we started witnessing after 2002,” he added.Farmers affectedFarmers have been significantly affected by climate change. Fruit farmers in Ladakh usually grow apricot while the others principally grow barley, wheat and paddy. They claim their crop and fruits now taste different as the increase in temperature reduces the time they take to ripen.Tsering Nobru, a farmer from Choglamsar village in Leh, informed that apricots would ripen by mid-August in Ladakh earlier but now ripening happens much earlier in the month. “While early ripening of fruit is better for farmers, the problem arises when trees bear fewer fruits,” he said.Bijal said the traditional forms of food storage have been affected by the rain as well. Ladakhis originally stored cheese and other food items in wooden basements for preservation during the five months of harsh winter. However, with rainwater seeping in, they’ve had to shift to more expensive forms of storage. Tin or concrete roofs are also now a necessity for farmers, as compared to the traditional wood or clay ones that are unable to withstand heavy rain. After harvest, apricots are put out to shrivel, and these roofs help keep fruit dry during the rainy season.While heavy rainfall brings its own set of problems, lesser snowfall in the region has also affected residents in Ladakh. Farmers face severe water scarcity, and residents including hotel and guesthouse owners have been forced to consider alternative methods. They now drill their own borewells to procure groundwater for the large number of tourists who visit the region every year from around the world.Slowly but steadily, Ladakh is changing.

‘Vague’ SC verdict pushes Gilgit-Balistan to strengthen movement to secure their rights

Gilgit-Baltistan (GB), the northernmost administrative territory in Pakistan bordering China, has witnessed several demonstrations over the last couple of weeks. Reason: people are protesting a “vague” order by Pakistan’s Supreme Court (SC) on the region’s constitutional status, something they have been demanding for 70 years.GB along with Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) is what is recognised by the UN as “Pakistan-administered Kashmir”, the reason behind India and Pakistan’s never-ending conflict. GB is currently administered through presidential orders, and its status has been linked with the resolution of the Kashmir dispute.Over the years, political activists and many international agencies have accused Pakistani forces of committing grave human rights violations in GB, which is responsible for heightened resentment in the region that is fuelling its people’s fight for internal autonomy. What is the SC ruling?On January 17, the SC, without granting GB constitutional status, recognised it as a disputed territory and ruled that the top court’s powers would extend to it. The seven-member bench, headed by former chief justice of Pakistan, Saqib Nisar, set aside Pakistan government’s order of having the GB Interim Constitutional Act, 2018, in place of the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self Governance Order of 2009, and further ruled that no part of the 1973 constitution of Pakistan can be terminated or amended without a formal legislation.The Pakistan government had drafted the 2018 Act last year to give more powers to the GB assembly, a stop-gap measure arrived at after failing to reach a consensus on making GB its fifth province, as reported by Pakistan Today.The court, however, clarified that no changes and amendments will be made to GB and Kashmir’s constitutional status until a referendum takes place (within 14 days) to regulate the same.The SC order read: “No amendment shall be made to the Order …except in terms of the procedure provided in Article 124 of the same, nor shall it be repealed or substituted, without the instrument amending, repealing or substituting (as the case may be), the same being placed before this Court by the Federation through an application that will be treated as a petition under Article 184(3) of the Constitution …If the Order so promulgated is repealed or substituted by an Act of Parliament, the validity thereof, if challenged, shall be examined on the touchstone of the Constitution (sic).” Why has it been rejected?Immediately after the ruling, activists belonging to different organisations staged a protest at Yadgar-i-Shuhada in Skardu against the federal and GB governments demanding constitutional rights for region’s people.Protesters said they are upset that though the SC declared GB a disputed territory as per the UNCIP (United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan) Resolutions, it failed to follow them in entirety, as it didn’t direct Pakistan to set up local authorities in the region for governance.Speaking at the All Parties Conference (APC), Yawar Abbas, founder member of the Gilgit-Baltistan Awareness Forum (GBAF), said, “Instead of ordering Pakistan to give complete internal autonomy to people of GB, the apex court has endorsed and attached yet another presidential ordinance, ‘GB Self Governance Order 2019’, which completely lacks the spirit of UNCIP Resolutions as well as a promise from Pakistan on establishment of local authorities.“The verdict shows insincerity towards people of GB — Pakistan should have been directed to implement the Sartaj Aziz Committee recommendations in letter and spirit, to make GB its provisional province till the Kashmir plebiscite; instead, the SC imposed such an order. This tactic is akin to colonisation of the region.”A consensus was reached at the conference to start a collective struggle, for the disputed territory’s rights, with the slogan ‘Complete Internal Autonomy’.Yawar said the GBAF wholeheartedly supported the struggle as it believed the region could no longer be run with a colonial mindset. “The GBAF believes that the people, especially the youth, are very aware of their fundamental rights. It is imperative that Pakistan give GB its due rights, as that would also complement its stance vis-à-vis Kashmir.” GB’s charter of demandsZaighum Abbas, a lecturer from Gilgit, said, “At the very least, the verdict — of declaring GB a disputed territory — has cleared a longstanding confusion at the state level. Now, the Awami Action Committee (AAC), student and youth activists, and other stakeholders are demanding internal autonomy as per the UNCIP Resolutions. They want an elected body of legislators ensuring ownership of resources, release of political prisoners prosecuted under Pakistan’s Anti-Terrorism Act, which is no longer applicable on a ‘disputed territory’, end of the presidential orders from Pakistan, an alternative constitution to govern the region, and greater powers to the GB assembly.“In its verdict, the SC has directed the federal government to consider the UNCIP Resolutions while working on any political set-up for GB.”The 10-point joint declaration from the APC, which was shared with the media, also called for a set-up like AJK Supreme Court in GB for independence of judiciary, decrease in quota for civil officials from other parts of the country in GB government organisations, and an end to harassment of political activists under Fourth Schedule and Anti-Terrorism Act.AAC chairman Sultan Raees said, “There are two aspects to the SC order: the constitutional identity and the administrative structure. The court has linked GB with Kashmir, which is a state narrative and accepted by GB’s people; their concerns revolve around court directions on the making of the administrative structure.“All political stakeholders are working on a draft of suggestions for this structure, and political processions have been planned in various cities to create awareness about it.”  From the strategic point of viewFor decades, the people of GB have wanted full-fledged integration into Pakistan’s mainstream, for voting and other rights, to curb further resentment, especially among the youth.Fehmeeda Bercha, a resident of Gilgit and member Pakistan People’s Party (central research and communication cell), said, “We want GB to become the fifth province of the country — integration will strengthen the Pakistan federation, disenfranchisement will weaken it.”This fifth province see-saw has been going on for the past many years. Last May, Pakistan had finally decided to grant greater administrative and financial authority to GB, through which the $50-billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor passes. While India had termed the move “entirely unacceptable”, Pakistan’s decision was believed to have been influenced by China’s concerns about GB’s unsettled status, the media had reported.  Home to the western Himalayas and the Karakoram range, GB has an estimated 1.8 million inhabitants.