Shifting sands: can PESA save Jharkhand’s rivers from death knell?

PESA is not yet implemented in the state, but it holds the promise of environmental protection in future as gram sabhas are taking a stand against rampant sand mining from the rivers under their ambitRanchi, Jharkhand: Rohit Surin (35) does not need an expert opinion to assess the state of River Chhata that flows through his native Torpa town in the predominantly tribal Khunti district of Jharkhand. The river, once brimming with water, is now a pale shadow of its glorious self. “Illegal sand mining is going on in our area in the dark of the night. We have been protesting against it for a long time, and the gram sabha has strongly opposed it. We are continuously corresponding with the government officials to control mining,” Surin said exasperatedly.The block panchayat chief of Torpa, Surin added that uncontrolled sand mining was upsetting the environmental balance. “It is the sand that stops water in the river and helps maintain the water level. Removing sand lowers the water level,” he noted.Sand mining is one of the hotly debated topics in Jharkhand, especially during the monsoon months when sand mining from the state's rivers is banned from June 10 to October 15 as per the National Green Tribunal orders. Already there is a huge shortage of sand in the state, so mining ban aggravates the situation. There are two categories of sand ghats in Jharkhand. Category-1 ghats are managed by gram sabha, panchayat or panchayat samiti, as per the guidelines of the Jharkhand State Sand Mining Policy, 2017. The sand reserves of rivers and streams in areas coming under panchayats are exempted from mining lease and its control comes under panchayats.Sand stockyard in the village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters) The sand taken can be used only by people of that particular panchayat area for domestic work, community work, or under government schemes. The panchayats charge a nominal fee of Rs 100 for sand lifting. It is kept free from tax and royalty. The sand lifted under category-1 cannot be stored or transported to places outside that panchayat. Also, machines cannot be employed for extraction. The needs of the state's nearly 4,500 panchayats cannot be met from the total 235 category-1 ghats controlled by panchayats.  Category-2 sand ghats are commercial ghats and reserves managed by the state government through Jharkhand State Mineral Development Corporation Limited (JSMDC). They are allotted through JSMDC for a minimum period of five years. The number of category-2 sand ghats is almost double of category-1. However, only 23 of the total 444 such ghats are functional. In tribal areas coming under the provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), 1996, gram sabha approval is necessary to start sand mining. However, gram sabhas do not give approval in most cases. Secondly, there is difficulty in getting environmental and other clearances. A government reply in the State Assembly on July 31, 2024, stated that JSMDC has executed agreements with 148 mining developers and operators, of which only 35 have received environmental clearance from the State Level Environment Impact Assessment Authority.As many as 14 out of the total 24 districts and 2,027 out of the total 4,402 panchayats in the state are tribal areas falling under PESA. According to JSMDC sources, Khunti district faces the most problems due to not getting approval from the gram sabha citing environmental concerns. Acknowledging the concerns of gram sabhas, State Mines Director and JSMDC Managing Director Shashi Ranjan told 101Reporters that the PESA rules have not been framed in Jharkhand yet, hence gram sabhas are conducted in the same way in scheduled and non-scheduled areas. "When PESA rules are made, we will follow its provisions in scheduled areas,” he added.Balram, an expert in panchayati raj affairs, criticised the state government for its inability to frame PESA rules for the last 24 years. “If PESA guidelines are implemented in the state, panchayats and gram sabhas in at least the scheduled areas will become more empowered. They will be able to manage their resources better and stop illegal mining,” he hoped.On the complaint of water level going down in Torpa, JSMDC Ranchi sand mining section in-charge officer Karun Kumar Chandan told 101Reporters, "Sand is mined in accordance with the environmental permission from the Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change." In this regard, Surendra Kumar Dinkar, Executive Engineer, Public Health Engineering Department, Khunti district, told 101Reporters that since sand stores water, its mining should not happen in places from where the department gets water for supply in rural areas. Illegal sand mining in Damodar river (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The cost of illegal mining Illegal sand mining has been increasing in Jharkhand, which reflects on both the FIRs filed and environmental damage caused. A question-answer session during the monsoon session of the State Assembly this year noted that 1,189 vehicles were seized, 301 FIRs were registered and a fine of Rs 256.62 lakh was collected in just a matter of three months (April to July) in the 2024-25 fiscal. The crime related to sand by year can be seen in the table given below. Financial year Number of vehicles FIR Fine (in lakh) 2019-20 2,237 448 172.75 2020-21 3,217 448 346.04 2021-22 2,608 441 417.62 2022-23 3,574 875 595.78 2023-24 3,459 1,048 565.60  A police station in-charge of Khunti district, on condition of anonymity, said that they faced lack of coordination in curbing illegal excavation and transportation of sand. “We depend on the mining department and its circle officer for further action in this matter, but many times we have to face indifference on their part. Moreover, Khunti was a Naxal-hit area in the past.” At present, Dormaa sand ghat covering 5.04 hectares in River Chhata in Torpa block is the only valid category-2 sand ghat in Khunti district. However, illegal mining is rampant in Bakaspur, Kauakhap (Karra block), Barkuli, Churgi, Diyakhel (all three in Torpa block) and Jarakhel (Rania block). This correspondent visited Kauakhap, situated amid the forest on the banks of River Karo, and saw heaps of sand and marks of tractor wheels at many places. According to sources in the Khunti Mining Department, Kauakhap is not a sand ghat. It is a forest area and raids are often conducted there.Action was taken against illegal trade and collection of sand in Bakaspur village, eight km from Kauakhap and falling in Karra block of Khunti district. This village is also situated on the Karo banks.Illegal trade and collection of sand in Bakaspur village, eight km from Kauakhap (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)"We take action under the Indian Forest Act in case of lifting of sand from the forest area and causing damage to the forest,” Khunti's District Forest Officer Dilip Yadav told 101Reporters, when asked about illegal mining. In 2023, 11 FIRs were registered in such cases in Khunti Forest Division. In 2024, five FIRs were registered till August 23. In Khunti district alone, 3.5 lakh CFT of sand was seized from April to August this year and a revenue of Rs 1.10 crore was collected from the auction of three lakh CFT of the seized sand. Anyone can participate in the auction of seized sand, but he has to sell that sand within a month. However, under the guise of invoices for the sand received from auction, the sand mafia tries to sell illegal sand as well.Sometimes, unwary residents are caught in the web of illegal sand mining, especially as there is an increasing trend of building pucca houses under Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana and Jharkhand government’s Abua Awas Yojana. Shivram Oraon (26) of Patratu Navatoli village of Kisco block of Lohardaga is one such person. On September 2, Senha Police seized his sand laden tractor at Medho near River Koel. “I was not aware of the sand lifting ban in monsoon months,” he said dejectedly. “I was not taking sand to sell it. I wanted to plaster my house being built under a government scheme,” he added.This correspondent saw the lifting and transportation of sand from rivers at many places during the ban period of August and September. The price of a tractor load of sand is Rs 2,000, but it doubles in the monsoon months.    There are 31 category-1 ghats in Lohardaga district, but they cannot meet the increasing needs of the rural population. Not a single category-2 ghat in the district is currently operational.   "We do not have a single commercial ghat in operation right now. There are 17 commercial ghats in our district, of which 13 have been auctioned recently. Sand mining will begin only after completing the environment clearance and other processes. We will soon auction the rest four ghats,” Rajaram Prasad, District Mining Officer, Lohardaga, told 101Reporters. Right now, Oraon is making rounds of Senha Police Station and Lohardaga District Mining Office to get his tractor released. He has no idea that a free sand distribution scheme was recently launched in the state to cater to the increasing construction demand and to stem illegal mining. Chief Minister Hemant Soren launched the free sand scheme for non-tax payers in the state from August 1 to December 31, 2024. For this, the user has to contact JSMDC, an identity card has to be created online and the reason for sand requirement should be explained. A user can get a maximum of 2,000 CFT or 20 tractors of sand.However, India Sand Watch founder Siddharth Aggarwal felt that common people may face technical problems due to the online process. "Before Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh had launched its free sand scheme. What is important is how such a scheme is designed and how it benefits not only the non-tax payers, but also the below poverty line population who get housing benefits from the Central and state governments,” Aggarwal noted.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Karo River at Bakaspur Village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Municipal expansion far away, but Santal tribals still wary of change

Though the Dumka master plan did not take off due to protests against the move to bring villages under the city area, tribals still raise it in all venues possible in a bid to save their unique traditionDumka, Jharkhand: The fear of the uncertain is what the tribals of 39 villages around Dumka have been fighting for the last seven years. In July 2017, Jharkhand government issued a notification to include these villages and three census towns in the Dumka Municipal Council.The notification proposed two plans — ​​Dumka Master Plan Area that includes 39 surrounding villages and census towns of Rasikpur, Dudhani and Purana Dumka with the present Dumka city and the ​​Greater Dumka Planning Area with the inclusion of 93 villages. If the master plan is implemented, Dumka will become a category A city from its present category B. On the other hand, if the Greater Dumka plan is implemented, it will become a municipal corporation.Dumka town area in Sarua Panchayat, where there are markets, shops, car showrooms, but its status is Gram Panchayat (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Soon after the proposal, the villagers launched their protest against the merger. For the next one-and-a-half years, they staged demonstrations from time to time and expressed their opposition in many ways, which eventually stalled the expansion efforts.However, the tribals still see the stalled proposal as a threat to their tradition, culture and self-governance system. They are very sensitive about the issue and raise their voices against it in every possible way, like during a cultural programme or meeting.  Manjulata Soren (42), the elected representative (mukhiya) of Sarua panchayat, is relieved that the merger has not worked out yet. She hails from Jogidih village, which is just two km from Dumka city. "In 2017, we staged demonstrations in front of the deputy commissioner's office for almost six months. Women were the main participants as men have the responsibility to earn for their families,” said Manjulata.Bhim Prasad Mandal (60), president, Gram Pradhan Manjhi Sangathan Santal Pargana, an organisation of pradhans of six districts in Santal Pargana region, said that the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act, 1949, restricts the transfer of land belonging to the tribal community.The Act said that there are two types of land in Santal Pargana, the one that can be bought and sold and the other that cannot be bought or sold. However, even the second type of land is getting transferred to others these days. Residents are wary that other communities will have more access to their land if they become a part of the city."If our village joins the city, land transactions will increase. Houses will be built on the land on which tribal families survive by farming. When the demand increases, it could even be transferred to outsiders through gift deeds,” Mantu Marandi (45) of Sarua village told 101Reporters.Women of Jogidih village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Keeping tradition close to heart  Dumka is the divisional headquarters of the Santal Pargana region of Jharkhand. Santal tribals form a majority of the population here. The tribe has its own self-governance system in place, namely manjhi pargana and pradhani shashan.The head of a Santal tribal village is called manjhi. Being a hereditary system, people from the same family are chosen as heads. Generally, men are the chiefs and in case of their death, their son or wife is elected as chief. Many times, women become leaders when a conflict over occupying the position crops up among the male members of the family or if the son has migrated for work.Sarua village pradhan (under the tribal self governance system) Sushila Hembram (38) took up that position in 2016, following the death of her husband Sanatan Baski. “For family division of land, we do not go through the legal procedure that non-tribals follow. In our families, we divide the land by holding a meeting in the village itself. It is done peacefully with mutual consent.”Sarua Panchayat Bhavan (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)In the meetings chaired by pradhan, land distribution, fights, family disputes and disputes between husbands and wives are resolved. Only in exceptional cases, a complaint reaches the police station or court.“Even while building a house, we do not have to get the plan approved by the authorities. We do not pay holding tax now. Had we been part of the city, this could have been an additional burden on our village,” Hembram detailed. She added that their religious places marang buru and jaher than and folk festivals Baha and Sohrai will also be affected if their village joined the city.“If there is a wedding or any function at someone's house, villagers help that family with an interest-free loan. This is a big relief to poor families,” Manjulata said.“To protect the interest of the tribals and their culture, it is necessary to maintain the traditional self-governance system. For this, it is necessary that the village should be allowed to remain a village,” said Pradeep Kumar Murmu (46), the younger son of Sabina Tudu, the pradhan of Jogidih and Karamdih villages in Sarua panchayat.Apart from pradhan, there are posts of paranik, nayaki, godet, jaga majhi and kudam nayaki, with different tasks assigned to them. Paraniks are the most powerful officials after pradhan. They act as arbitrators to resolve small disputes and quarrels in the Santal society.Nayakis are the priests of the Santal tribe, whose job is to conduct pujas and other religious rituals during sacred events at their places of worship. Godet conveys information and informs people to gather at one place for any event. Jaga majhi conducts the wedding rituals, while kudum nayaki conducts the shraddha rituals in case of a sacrifice or the death of someone in the society. Pradhan gets an honorarium of Rs 2,000 per month from the government, while other officials are given an honorarium of Rs 1,000. These six persons are responsible for the conduct of the village's traditions and other functions.Since 2008, pradhans have been getting Rs 1,000, which the state government increased to Rs 2,000 from January 1, 2019. Bhim Prasad believes that this is the result of their protest. “There are about 2,200 village heads and about 8,000 other officials in Dumka district and all of them get paid by the government in their bank accounts. There are 6,987 gram pradhans in six districts of Santal Pargana division. Our efforts are continuing to ensure that self-governance system office-bearers of other five districts also get paid,” said Mandal, who himself is the head of Malbhandaro village in Dumka block.This traditional governance system extends to non-santals and non-tribals, too. According to Mandal, in the pradhani self-governance system prevalent in Santal Pargana, 70% of the office-bearers are Santal tribals, while other tribal communities of Pahadias and Kols and people from non-tribal and Muslim communities also hold these posts.Jone Soren, who works as a master trainer of panchayati raj system with government agencies and various voluntary organisations in Dumka, said many laws will become ineffective or less effective if villages are included in the city. Tribal areas have the status of Scheduled Areas and come under the purview of the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, which will end in such a case.He added that the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act will become less effective as the city expands and the transfer and acquisition of land increases. “Self-governance system is a community-based system. If  it ends, the community and identity of the village will be gone. The nature of land will change and the tribal community’s places of worship will also be destroyed,” Jone warned.Sarua's pradhan Sushila Hembram (Photo sourced by Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Fear of losing welfare schemesMary Steela Soren (30) of Jogidih in Sarua panchayat is concerned about the welfare schemes. “We benefit from the Didi Bari scheme, under which we have to set up a vegetable garden on one to five decimals of land. For this, wages of Rs 255 is provided as per the working days under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act [MGNREGA] scheme.”  Besides ensuring nutritious vegetables for the family’s use, the excess produce can also be sold in the market. According to Manjulata, about 100 women of her panchayat benefit from the scheme.  The Jharkhand government is working to provide permanent houses to the rural population deprived of the benefits of Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana. Under the Abua Housing Scheme, Rs 2 lakh is given to build a house of 31 sq m (6.12 m by 5.07 m). “About 40 houses have been approved under the scheme in the panchayat. Their first instalment has been deposited into their accounts,” said panchayat secretary Nasir Mian. However, as far as MGNREGA is concerned, there is not much demand for work here. "Because of its proximity to the city, people's attraction towards MGNREGA is less here. Only Rs 255 is received as wages per day. The money for material often gets stuck. Work is also not available every day, whereas in the city, people can work for Rs 300 to 350 per day,” Manjulata detailed.According to the information received from Dumka Municipal Council, there is no ongoing exercise regarding the expansion of Dumka city at the government level. City council sources said that it is true that inclusion of those villages in the city would impose a tax burden on them, but in return, the villagers would get many facilities. Executive Officer of Dumka Municipal Council Shitanshu Xalxo did not comment on the fate of the notification. Dumka's Welfare Officer Bijan Oraon told 101Reporters that the Welfare Department pays for the fencing of the Santal places of worship. They also contribute for repairs. “It is difficult to construct such sites in urban areas because land will not be easily available,” he agreed.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - The women of Jogidih are against the village merging with the city (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Left out of coal workforce, risky illegal mining is the only option before them

Not much effort has been made by the CCL or DMFT to reskill coal workers for other jobs. Despite the Ministry of Coal reiterating its position to open some closed mines, nothing has materialised so farBokaro, Jharkhand: Pichri coal mine in Dhori mining area of ​​Bokaro has remained closed for many decades. Now an uninhabited forested area, the mine has become a deep pool where people from surrounding areas catch fish.At the site, three women were seen coming out of the bushes with baskets of coal dust. One of them responded to the queries saying they were residents of neighbouring Jamtand Colony. “We use this [coal dust] for household work,” she said uneasily. “We do this work only to meet our domestic needs, and not for livelihood,” she clarified repeatedly.A dilapidated housing quarter of the Central Coalfields Limited (CCL) is in the vicinity. Showing the area, Shravan Singh (40), a daily wage coal loader, said, “Our family also lived here, but moved out to the nearby Pichri Bangla Basti after the mine closed. The next generation of the then permanent coal workers are now unorganised coal labourers.” Unlike the previous generation, Shravan does not get loading work every day. “I do not have a permanent job, I somehow live by working as a house maid," lamented Muniya Devi (45), another resident. Siyaram Singh (52) of the same locality said the coal mine stopped operations in 1976, and they were settled in the present accommodation in 1983. Some families were settled in Tungri Kulhi, Jamtand and Rohaniadih also.Most of the coal mines of Bokaro have such settlements where residents have no option but to look up at unorganised and uncertain employment in the coal mining industry for their livelihood. This pushes many into unsafe and illegal mining, which poses a risk of accident and death. Such incidents are particularly high in Bokaro and Dhanbad districts as they are old mining areas where a large number of mines are no longer mined.The situation at Angwali — about 14 km from Pichri and also falling under Dhori mining area — is no different. "The conflict and battle for supremacy among the local leaders stopped mining here," informed Lalan Soni, a villager. In 1972, CCL acquired 210 acres at Angwali North Panchayat in Petarwar block of Bokaro district. When the mine was running, about 400 people got direct [there was no contract job then] employment. When it stopped operations in the 1980s, workers were sent to Kalyani and Amlo projects.Shravan Singh, living in Pichri Bangla Basti, works in coal loading (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Who is responsible?Kashinath Kewat, general secretary, Visthaapit Sangharsh Samanvay Samiti, which is active in the Bokaro coal mining area, told 101Reporters that Pipradih, Jhirki and many other mines in Bermo  and East Bokaro coalfields have been closed."First the land of the local farmers were acquired for mining, due to which they became dependent on the coal industry. When the mines closed down, it led to a bigger crisis," he said. Many have switched to illegal mining, making themselves vulnerable to action from police and the patrolling party of the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF).“Illegal mining from closed mines is risky. If they are operated again, such risks can be prevented,” hoped Damodar Mishra, a resident of Angwali. Kewat also claimed they have recommended the reopening of closed mines to the CCL to ensure safe and scientific mining. "It should be done more so to protect the interest of local communities than the permanent workers as their entire livelihood has been snatched away," said Coalfield Mazdoor Union general secretary Raghavan Raghunandan.However, in response to a question about illegal mining, Coal Minister Prahlad Joshi told Parliament that it is a law and order issue, which is a state subject. The reply said it was primarily the responsibility of the state government and district administration to take action.Bokaro District Mining Officer Ravi Kumar told 101Reporters that it was primarily the job of CCL to stop illegal mining because CCL is the custodian of such mines and mining areas. Also, it has the service of CISF at its disposal. “However, we [district administration] still take action from time to time,” he added.Meanwhile, a CCL official admitted that it was their duty to stop illegal and unsafe mining.A view of Pichri mine (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Self-employment optionThe CCL provides NGOs with corporate social responsibility funds to provide alternative employment to coal workers in some areas. However, people whom this reporter spoke to believed that income from self-help groups or other small employment options such as poultry units cannot be an alternative to the coal income. People are finding employment elsewhere, but the coal industry still seems to be a better and easier option for them.Bokaro is the third highest recipient of District Mineral Foundation Trust (DMFT) deposits after West Singhbhum and Dhanbad. According to a Parliament document, Bokaro district received Rs 83.8 crore under DMFT head in 2020-21 and Rs 139 crore in 2021-22. With the fund, water, power and road connectivity are ensured in mining affected areas, besides training coal workers for alternative employment.Under the Pradhan Mantri Khanij Kshetra Kalyan Yojana, at least 60% of the DMFT deposit has been allocated to high priority areas such as drinking water supply, healthcare, education, environmental preservation and pollution control, welfare of women, children, the aged and differently abled, skill development and sanitation.  However, Angwali North Panchayat mukhiya Dharmendra Kapardar told 101Reporters that no specific plan has been initiated for the development of coal areas. "The DMFT does some work, but it is insufficient. Jharkhand State Livelihood Promotion Society also holds training programmes for self-employment, but not very effectively,” Kapardar asserted, while reminding that local people needed employment. “Bokaro receives an average royalty of Rs 550 to 600 crore per year from mining, of which about 95% contribution comes from coal. Around Rs 150 to 180 crore is deposited annually with the DMFT,” said District Mining Officer Ravi Kumar. Will mines reopen?In May 2022, Minister Joshi said that the extractable reserve in closed/discontinued coal mines was approximately 380 million tonnes (MT), of which 30 to 40 MT could be easily extracted. He also shared a plan to offer 20 closed/discontinued underground mines to the private sector on a revenue sharing model. Before that, in a written reply to a question in the Lok Sabha on February 3, 2021, the minister said, “Coal India Limited and its subsidiaries have planned to open 22 new coal mines.” Of the eight such mines from Jharkhand mentioned in the reply, six belonged to CCL. The area of forest land to be used up for each mine was also mentioned. For example, 23.02 hectares of forest land was to be used for Pichri opencast mine.“Pichri is a very old mine... Forest land is only a small part of the total mining land. It is yet to be verified how much land has been acquired,” said Bokaro AITUC leader Lakhanlal Mahato. In a Gazette notification, the Ministry of Coal also mentioned acquisition of 53.02 hectares for Pichri mines under the Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition and Development) Act, 1957.However, three years since the government's response, no mining work has begun. The Central Mine Planning and Design Institute Limited refused to respond to a Right To Information application filed by this correspondent regarding the plan to extract coal from abandoned and discontinued mines.The locations of illegal mines (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Rehabilitation measures Minister Joshi told the Lok Sabha on December 13 last year that a total of 13,709.44 hectares (33876.76 acres) have been acquired for CCL coal mining areas of Kathara, Dhori and Bokaro-Kargali.  According to government figures, 1,043 families have been displaced/affected by coal mines. On whether the displaced families have been employed, the reply said 1,014 jobs have been provided since 1985. “Most of the hutment settled on GM [gair mazrua] land which tenant does not have any valid documents claiming their land [sic]. These villagers are demanding house compensation as well as land compensation,” the reply stated.According to Coal India Limited (CIL) policy, there is a provision to provide one job per two acres of acquired land. Accordingly, over 16,000 jobs should have been created. However, the actual numbers are much lower. On this, Joshi's reply stated that disputes within the family regarding claim of employment, and employment claims by the affected persons beyond norms (means seeking employment without fulfilling all conditions) are among the obstacles. Coal companies have allowed small landowners to club their small portions of land to make two acres for employing one nominee.According to the data available till April 1, 2021, 284 CIL mines have been closed/abandoned/discontinued. Of them, 29 belong to CCL. The biggest problem in restarting mines is in getting land. The company arrives at a decision by checking the coal reserves available and assessing whether it will be profitable to mine the area.The Coal Ministry recently accepted that mine closure processes have historically been uncontrolled. As per the statement, 169 pre-2009 mines and 130 post-2009 mines are considered closed, abandoned and terminally closed. Of these, 68 mines built before 2009 have been marked for final closure. In 2009, for the first time, the Coal Ministry issued guidelines for closure of mines that are not in use. However, only planning has happened so far.  “Bermo coalfield-related projects took up large chunks of land over decades. About 6,000 acres were allotted for Damodar and Rail Diversion Project. Neither the project materialised nor the land was suitable for farmers anymore. Unusable mines and unused land should be diverted for farming and installation of solar panels,” said Mahato.The government's emphasis is on maximum coal exploitation as it believes that there cannot be growth without energy, and that coal is its main source of energy. Contrary to its just transition plan, India's coal production is increasing rapidly. This is why the country talks about phase down, not phase out. Read the first part of this story hereEdited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Women coming out of Pichri mine with baskets of coal dust they collected (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Social challenges pin down just transition efforts in Bokaro

Mine jobs depleting due to adoption of technology and machines, but workers yet to be reskilled for alternative jobs at the panchayat levelBokaro, Jharkhand: It is evening and coal stoves have been lit in front of the houses of Karo Basti in Jharkhand’s Bokaro district to prepare dinner. Slowly, the narrow lanes get shrouded in a veil of smoke on that cold December dusk.   Surendra Ganjhu (60) and his wife Sukri Devi (55) are still outside, sitting dejectedly at the doorstep with their grandchildren. Surendra said his son Binod Kumar Ganjhu (29) had gone to Bengaluru to find work at the beginning of sawan (July 2023). He was found dead on the roadside soon after. “I do not know what happened,” he sighed.Binod was forced to shift because he was without work for around eight months when Karo Opencast Coal Project (OCP) shut operations. There was only one mine under the project, but difficulties in land acquisition for project expansion led to the mine closure. After Binod's death, his wife Sunita Ganjhu started working as a coal loader at Balidih. According to her mother Budhani Devi, she leaves home by 7 am and returns only late in the evening. “She is not only responsible for raising two children, but also looking after us elders,” said Surendra, who was into coal loading before advancing age and health issues stopped him from working. Sunita’s elder son aged eight is at school, while the younger aged three goes to anganwadi."I do not get work every day, but when I do, I manage to earn Rs 400 to Rs 500 a day... Even the widow pension [Rs 1,000] eludes me because I have to go to Bengaluru to get Binod's death certificate," she lamented.Apart from tribals and Scheduled Castes, Other Backward Classes and general category people live in Karo Basti, located barely four km from Bermo market. Coal mining has had a big impact on the village, with people's land acquired for it.  Incidentally, Bokaro is among the two districts selected in the country for the first phase implementation of a World Bank project that aims at helping India thoroughly plan its coal mine closures.(Above) Surendra Ganjhu & Sukri Devi with grand son (below) Bharat Ganjhu (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Depleting resourcesThe irony of the coal industry is that some select mines are producing much coal, while others produce either very less or nil. Extensive use of technology, machines and outsourcing have dented job availability. Mines are closing down due to several problems, including opposition to land acquisition by villagers, failure to get environmental clearance, overexploitation of the area, not having consent to operate from the state government and high production costs. Moreover, when the work gets more centralised, the employment prospects of people decrease.Karo OCP is among the top 75 coal mines in the country in terms of coal production in the 2023-24 fiscal. Nevertheless, Coal India Limited (CIL) data suggest that only 34.38% of the production capacity has been achieved until February 6 this fiscal, while registering a negative growth of 51.10% in production.  According to sources in the Central Coalfields Limited (CCL), a subsidiary of CIL, the maximum production capacity of Karo OCP is 3.5 million tonnes (MT). Efforts are on to expand operations by acquiring land and by getting forest clearance from the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change. Once done, the mine capacity can increase between 11 and 15 MT. However, despite its huge potential, employment and livelihood options remain bleak for the locals and the picture is not expected to change much even after its expansion.Bharat Ganjhu (61) of Karo Basti is a mason. “My father and relatives jointly owned three acres and 44 decimals, but it was lost to the coal project decades ago. So I want my sons to be employed in the coal mine. They go to Balidih to work as labourers now,” he said.“The Directorate General of Mines Safety has allowed blasting work once the households have vacated, but the mine management is at it even before that,” he alleged. To compound their misery, Karo Basti has been declared an urban area as it is close to Bermo town. “Groundwater has depleted due to mining, and our water needs are fulfilled by tankers that come once every eight days. Blasting causes cracks in houses. Apart from assurances and cases registered against us when we try to stop blasting or expansion of mining areas, we get nothing. Two to three cases have been registered against villagers for obstructing mine work," said Baban Rajak (53).Surendra was also charged with a similar case, but he still thought the coal mine was necessary to ensure employment.Coal Chullah used for cooking (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Operations slow downOnly 36 of the 68 CCL coal projects across the country are operational. Of the 13 coal mining areas under its control, three are in Bokaro district. Totally, CCL has 19 coal mining projects in these three areas.Of these 19 projects, 10 are open cast and eight underground. The remaining Sawang project is an opencast-underground mine. All underground mines are closed now, except Dhori-Khas mine. Many OCPs are also inoperative. Out of the five CCL coal washeries, Kathara, Sawang and Kargali washeries are in Bokaro district. Kathara and Sawang are still functional, but their capacities are very low. Wishing anonymity, a CCL official told 101Reporters that the maximum production capacity of all three mining areas in Bokaro put together was 16.3 MT. The annual production capacity of Bokaro-Kargali was 9 MT, Dhori 4.6 MT and Kathara 2.7 MT. In the 2022-23 fiscal, these three areas produced 8.2 MT of coal and achieved 90% of the production target.According to CCL sources, coal is produced as per the need and demand. The CCL's total production in 2022-23 was 76.087 MT, more than the target of 75.224 MT. Bokaro district contributed about 10.50% to the CCL’s total production. In the ongoing fiscal, the CCL’s production target is 84 MT.(Above)Karo Coal Mines is the largest coal mine of Bokaro district, it is among the top 74 coal mines of the country (below) Karo rehabilitation site (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Challenges in just transition  Last year’s Global Energy Monitor report stated that one direct employment in the coal sector generates four indirect jobs. There are currently 3,37,400 direct coal workers in India. By 2050, CIL, the largest employer in the coal industry in India, will lay off about 73,800 of its existing 3.08 lakh employees. China and India will be most affected by the decline in coal employment, and globally the figure will reach 100 workers per day by 2035.According to a study focused on Jharkhand by energy sector think tank Climate Trends, there are 2,83,737 coal jobs in the state, which is 38% of India's total jobs in this sector. The study conducted in Bokaro, Dhanbad, Ramgarh, Ranchi and Chatra districts said that in view of the needs of thermal power, coal production will increase in the near future, but to achieve the net zero target, there has to be a phase down in coal production.It said there was a lack of awareness at the ground level. Among the workers who participated in the study, 59% had no information about the mine closures. According to the study based on a sample survey of 6,000 workers, only 14% of people were aware of any plan of the government to reduce coal production in future. The level of awareness was even lower among the unorganised workers, which makes them more vulnerable to such shocks.AITUC leader and Joint Bipartite Committee for the Coal Industry member Lakhanlal Mahato told 101Reporters that around 40,000 permanent coal workers were present in Bermo coalfield until 25 years ago. “The numbers have come down to 10,000. As a labour organisation, we are not against transition, but we want it to be fair.”Amlo coal mines (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Steps takenIn a written response to a question in the Lok Sabha, Coal Minister Prahlad Joshi stated on July 20, 2022, that the Ministry of Coal has received proposals from World Bank and GIZ (a German Development Agency) for assistance in development of India-specific Mine Closure Framework based on Just Transition Principles for closed and abandoned coal mines.Subsequent to the approval of the Department of Economic Affairs to a grant-based technical assistance proposed in the World Bank’s Preliminary Project Report, phase one of the project began with the mapping of all closed and running mines, social survey, perception survey, and stakeholder consultations in Bokaro district, he added.Korea in Chhattisgarh has also been selected for phase one. Of the total 38 mines in these two districts, 18 are not operational.When contacted by 101Reporters, Bokaro Deputy Commissioner Kuldeep Chaudhary said he cannot comment on the World Bank plan, but spoke about the administration's efforts. "We are taking measures to empower the Panchayati Raj Institutions through various agencies. Every panchayat has its own different potential. We are assessing where agrarian, manufacturing, fisheries and alternative energy options are possible.”Quizzed about dwindling job prospects, a CCL official in Bokaro district told 101Reporters on condition of anonymity that resources and technology have increased in coal mining. “People with expertise in different jobs have been hired. Private agencies are roped in. All these have improved both the quantity and quality of the coal mined. The present workforce ratio of CCL and private agencies is around 40:60. If employment has decreased in CCL, agency employment has increased,” he justified. However, Mahato claimed they were no match. “The huge number of jobs lost could not be compensated by the outsourced jobs. The use of machines and technology have continuously reduced employment opportunities, despite the increase in production. Hence, it is necessary to reskill people. Employment possibilities should be explored in farming, alternative energy etc.,” he said.Undoubtedly, transition is a slow process and the flux will continue for long.Read the second part of this story hereEdited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Budhni Devi, woman from a family of coal workers (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Sun shines on Bihar renewable energy sector, but subsidy, new regulations needed to tap it better

Not many companies deal in solar mini-grids due to a lack of proper government support, which translates into high cost for consumers Motihari/Hajipur, Bihar: Umesh Kumar (37) runs a bakery and ice cream factory at Chakia town in East Champaran district, the northwestern part of Bihar. He employs four others as well. To run the factory, Umesh mainly depends on the electricity from the North Bihar Power Distribution Company Limited, a government discom. Bihar has done good work in the last decade in the field of grid electricity connection and supply. Yet, small business owners need an alternative and reliable energy source so that their work does not come to a halt in case of power disruptions. Umesh has been utilising solar power for almost two years now, after taking a connection from the mini-grid of Husk Power Systems (HPS) located at Chakia Bazaar. He purchases a prepaid recharge of Rs 2,500 every month. “Solar power has ended our dependence on diesel generators. Even if there is no electricity for five to 10 hours, our work does not stop. Grid electricity is supplied for roughly 20 hours and my monthly bill for that is between Rs 16,000 and 20,000,” he said.However, the high price of solar power from the mini-grid is a reason for concern. According to Umesh, it is twice as expensive as the government-supplied electricity, so the prices should be reduced a little. "After sunset, enough solar electricity is not available and power trips several times. We then have to talk to the customer care of Husk Power,” said Rajeshwar Singh (45), the chief worker at Umesh's factory. Tripping is mainly visible after sunset, when the stored electricity is supplied.Solar power has been beneficial to Kedar Kumar (48), who sells fish at Chakia market. His shop on the footpath does not have a grid electricity connection. He fulfils his power requirement lasting for a few hours through HPS by recharging Rs 375 every month.Husk's mini grid, based in Kia, has about 40 customers. The service engineer is Sonu Kumar Rai (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Quite expensiveHPS provides electricity to small businesses and micro, small and mini enterprises (MSMEs) through its solar mini-grid. It has tariff plans and validity similar to mobile phone plans. HPS assistant service engineer Sonu Kumar Rai told 101Reporters that a 50 Watt recharge costs Rs 375 and 100 Watt recharge Rs 675 per month. Using the HPS app, the customer can check the power use. The company also provides offers and coupons to attract customers. HPS mini-grids are mostly located on town outskirts, from where electricity is transmitted in the same manner as grid power. The company plans to increase its mini-grid fleet to 500 in the next three to four years to serve over 50,000 MSMEs, thus helping them in increasing income by at least 30%. The company has started an agro-processing hub for turmeric in Champaran and will take up such work in hundreds of locations, helping farmers sell packaged end products rather than raw materials.Besides Chakia, 101Reporters visited several farms using Husk Power's electricity at Lalganj town in Vaishali district. Roshan Kumar (21) started a readymade garment brand showroom in Lalganj this year. “Solar power from Husk Power's mini-grid is helpful in my business, but it is more expensive than grid electricity,” he said. Other consumers echoed his views. Due to good supply of grid electricity in Bihar and high prices of solar mini-grid power, it is only an alternative source, and not main source, for small businesses."Unlike the state grid, our mini-grid power is unsubsidised. So it is more accurate to say that grid power is artificially inexpensive. If we compete on a level playing field, we are more affordable and more reliable... We have developed and rolled out a technology roadmap that uses artificial intelligence to lower the electricity cost of consumers systematically," HPS Chief Executive Officer Manoj Sinha said in a written response to 101Reporters.He maintained that grid electricity purchase cost and distribution cost of discoms were higher. "Do not forget that discoms remain hugely loss-making entities. They do not have the funds to invest in improving their existing challenges, let alone transmission and distribution infrastructure. Solar mini-grids are already 100% sustainable as our portfolio of hundreds of mini-grids run profitably and our customer retention rate remains above 92% year-over-year. Consumers should add solar PV to their energy mix if they have the capital," he said."Although the average supply of electricity in Bihar has improved, the improvement in up time does not address the ongoing dissatisfaction of customers. For example, voltage drop and frequency fluctuation. Lows continue to be a major hindrance in operations and a threat to machinery, forcing most MSMEs to depend on diesel generators to operate their businesses reliably. Husk mini-grid solves these issues and significantly reduces diesel emissions," he added.Regarding troubleshooting, he claimed, "Can you imagine a day when a discom can resolve a customer's complaint in less than 120 minutes? Husk resolves a customer's complaint in less than 90 minutes on average."  Two discoms — North Bihar Power Distribution Company Limited and South Bihar Power Distribution Company Limited — function in Bihar. Tata Power is another player in the micro, mini-grid sector, but its contribution is miniscule. It entered the field by launching a 5kW biogas generation plant in Muzaffarpur district in December 2020. Efforts to contact the company via email proved futile.Greenpeace had worked with village panchayats on solar electrification projects in the past. “We successfully electrified Dharnai village in Jehanabad district. But we are not working in the renewable energy sector there right now,” Greenpeace campaign manager Avinash Chanchal told 101Reporters.(Above)Chakia beneficiary Rajeshwar Singh (below) Husk Power's mini grid is also being used for engineering workshops in Lalganj market of Vaishali district (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Energy policy and government actionAccording to Bihar’s Renewable Energy Policy, 2017, a decentralised solution such as a mini-grid will play an important role in providing electricity to all households. Local businesses, khadi and rural industries can benefit from it. It said a mini-grid of 500 MW capacity based on solar, biomass, wind and hybrid can be established and that the Bihar government will encourage investments by creating a favourable environment.A senior official of the Bihar Renewable Energy Development Agency told 101Reporters on condition of anonymity that private parties were encouraged to provide electricity through mini-grids in the early 2010s as Bihar's electricity system was not good then. Even now, some marshy lands and hilly areas do not either have electricity supply or it is not good. "The commercial rates quoted by private companies is not affordable to everyone, hence there should be a new regulation in this regard. Subsidised power is another good option," the official said. Bihar Electricity Regulation Commission had made regulations in 2010 and 2016 regarding supply of electricity through mini and micro-grids. "No new regulation has come up after 2016," he admitted.According to the September 2023 report of Central Electricity Authority, Bihar's installed renewable power capacity is 530.26 MW, whereas coal-based power generation capacity is 7,396.74 MW. In the 2017 policy, the state had set a target of achieving 3,433 MW of renewable energy capacity by 2022, which includes installed capacity of 2,969 MW of solar, 244 MW of biomass and bagasse, and 220 MW of small hydropower energy. When compared to the target of 2022, Bihar has up to September this year achieved only 15.43% renewable capacity.According to the Central Electricity Authority’s Report on Under-construction Renewable Energy Projects published in July, a 250 MW capacity grid-connected ground mounted solar power plant will be ready by next month in both Banka and Jamui districts. No other big solar project is in the works in Bihar. Bihar Industrial Investment Promotion Policy, 2016, talks about prioritising solar, biomass, hydel and other renewable energy projects and giving incentives. However, such proposals could not gain much momentum and the renewable energy sector did not develop.According to the Economic Survey of Bihar, 2022-23, agriculture and allied sectors accounted for a share of only 20% in the overall development, despite Bihar being an agrarian state. Solar energy has the potential to provide the much-needed fillip to agriculture. However, only HPS is the main player in the solar sector. It seems companies are less interested due to a lack of subsidy for mini-grid electricity. Additionally, Bihar government does not focus on solar much due to policy level issues. At present, its emphasis is on rooftop solar systems.The story was produced as part of the Renewable Energy workshop organised by the Earth Journalism Network in PatnaEdited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - A worker at the Husk Power Chakia Minigrid (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Mechanisation, shutting down of stone quarries push Pakur’s workers to the brink

People get work only once in two days, but the mining officer claims scientific mining and use of automatic stone crushers as the reasons for it   Pakur, Jharkhand: These days Gayna Murmu (28) gets work every second day only. He levels the stones loaded on trucks and tractors to earn Rs 200 to 300. Gayna and his wife Lukhi Tudu have seven children, and they find it difficult to survive due to low availability of work in the stone industry. They do not have agricultural lands to cultivate, which adds to the uncertainty.“Our ration card was in the name of my father Som Murmu. He died six months ago, after which we did not get ration supplies. The card is yet to be transferred to my name. It involves spending some money,” said Gayna, who lives in ​​Pipaljori village in Nabinagar panchayat in Malpahari area of Pakur district. Located in the northeast region of Jharkhand, Pakur has a tribal population of 42.1%. The state government controls the mining activities here as the stone excavation comes in the category of minor minerals.  Both Pakur and its neighbouring Sahibganj are important centres of stone mining and its business in eastern India. Most part of the Rajmahal hills, which is among the oldest mountain ranges of the country, falls under Sahibganj district and some areas fall under Pakur. The black stones quarried from Pakur are famous for their export quality. Large-scale stone quarrying happens in all its six blocks, but Malpahari has been one of the overexploited areas.Excessive mining has left huge pits similar to those seen in coal mines in some villages. Vector-borne diseases are common here. "People die suddenly. We were 12 brothers and sisters, now only four are alive," said a stone worker from Pipaljori village on condition of anonymity. “When a brother fell ill this year, we took him to Rampurhat in West Bengal. The doctor there told us to take him to Bardhaman, but by then he died,” the villager said.Gayna Murmu and his family from Malpahari area of Pakur (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Machines take away workdaysAccording to information received from the District Mining Department, Pakur received a revenue of Rs 117 crore from stone quarrying in 2022-23 and Rs 78 crore in 2021-22. District Mining Officer Pradeep Kumar Sah told 101Reporters that Pakur has around 80 active stone mining leases. There are about 100 to 125 crushers in operation against the earlier 400 to 500. Nabinagar panchayat head Manoj Kisku (26) told 101Reporters that the mines have been closing down over the last seven years. “People were staying here because of the mines. Ever since the COVID-19 lockdown, the loss of employment in stone mines and crushers has increased. That apart, the Enforcement Directorate is investigating  a stone mining scam, which has had an impact on the workdays."Kisku claimed 40% of the people, mostly tribals, have migrated from his panchayat. Talking about his village, he said 65 to 70% of the people in Pipaljori have been affected and 75% of the young boys have gone out to earn. “People have left for Kolkata, Bardhaman and Hyderabad. Also, contractors take labourers from this area for three months to do farming in other parts of West Bengal,” he added.Manoj Kisku, Nabinagar Panchayat head (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Pakur Labour Superintendent Ramesh Prasad Singh told 101Reporters that 50,000 unorganised sector workers were registered with the labour department in the district. Asked about women workers, he said the registration was not based on gender, so it was difficult to tell their percentage.“It may also be a little difficult to assess how many people work in the stone industry at present because it is not necessarily the same as its labour capacity. Even if a crusher has a licence with a labour capacity of 50 workers, it is possible that only 10 people work there,” he explained, while not divulging the exact number of workers who migrated from here.As on October 2, e-shram portal has 2,85,696 registered workers in Pakur. A maximum number of 1,84,622 work in the agricultural sector, followed by 32,079 in domestic and household work, 24,809 in the tobacco industry, 10,902 in construction sector and 6,015 in capital goods and manufacturing. There is no separate category for stone mining, which shows its workers are counted along with other sectors. The Pachhwara North Coal Mine in Pakur district supplies coal to the power plants of West Bengal. Coal mining provides less employment because it is centralised and mechanised, whereas stone mining takes place throughout the district and involves small and medium units.Asked about the decreasing employment prospects in stone mining units, Pakur District Mining Officer Pradeep Kumar Sah told 101Reporters that mining was done with automatic machines. “Now, even five to seven labourers can run a crusher, for which earlier 20 to 25 people were required." Migration of workers from Jharkhand is high, so the state government records their details. According to the labour department data, there are 12,482 registered migrant workers in Pakur district.As on October 3, Pakur district has 1,15,036 active workers under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) scheme, including 52,229 women. As many as 41,153 workers are from Scheduled Tribe category and 3,080 from Scheduled Caste category. However, the definition of active worker in MGNREGA has a very broad context, including any worker or his family member who has worked for a single day in the last three years.Pakur Deputy Development Commissioner Shahid Akhtar told 101Reporters that MGNREGA created employment in the district. “During rainy days, construction related schemes are operated, while pond/well works and similar activities are run at other times. However, this district is still heavily dependent on mining for revenue and employment,” he said.Pakur’s MGNREGA ombudsman Vinod Kumar Pramanik said there was a possibility of MGNERGA labourers going for work in stone crushers as the scheme guaranteed only 100 days of employment in a year.Stone crushing area at the mining site (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Mining laws bypassedA 2017 order from the state government banned mining on government land. Now, it is done only on rayati lands and the district magistrate or deputy commissioner has the authority to auction land measuring up to three hectares (7.41 acres) for stone mining.Asked about excessive mining in Malpahari, District Mining Officer Sah said, "Earlier, there was no pre-decided mining volume, maybe that is why you feel there has been excessive mining. However, after the Jharkhand Minor Mineral Concession (Amendment) Rules, 2014, scientific mining has been promoted. Now, only a fixed quantity can be mined from a particular place," he said. After 2010, the Jharkhand government has made rules from time to time and has tried to organise them. A forest department official related to this process in Pakur district said excessive and unscientific mining has taken place in Malpahari. “Rules and guidelines are not followed and no concrete action has been taken to enforce them. We have only limited rights in this process. The Jharkhand Pollution Control Board should actively intervene,” he said on condition of anonymity.On the question of compensation for the loss caused to the district due to excessive mining, Pakur Divisional Forest Officer Rajneesh Kumar told 101Reporters that plantation of 7.5 m width has to be done in the perimeter around the stone mining as per the rule. “Five to 10 times the number of trees cut for mining has to be planted or transplanted as per the requirement. A high power committee of Jharkhand High Court meets in this regard from time to time and its recommendations keep coming,” he said.“The stone mines in Pakur district are not on any forest land. Hence, we do not directly intervene there. However, there is a coal mine on the forest land and we intervene there and get the plantation done,” Kumar said.The forest department’s data suggest that 1,50, 718 saplings were planted on roadsides in Pakur district in the 2022-23 fiscal, while a target has been set at 2,90,350 saplings in the present one. However, due to insufficient rainfall, the work has been affected. Kisku, however, alleged that the plantation was just an eyewash as the mining companies do not check on the condition of the saplings once they are planted. Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Malpahadi stone mine in Pakur district (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

MGNREGA fund freeze puts Purulia’s workforce in a tight spot

Poverty and migration have increased in the district, after the Centre stopped funds citing corruption almost one-and-a-half years agoPurulia, West Bengal: ‘Soil cutting’ and ‘100 days of work’ are the two terms that villagers in West Bengal use to define labour under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). At present, they are more concerned about the 100 days, thanks to the dwindling person-days under the scheme."When we had 100 days of work, we could eat well. Expenses related to medicines and children’s education were also covered with that money," said Mamta Rajak (50), an MGNREGA worker from Raghudi village in Belma panchayat of Purulia block-2.  The work was simple but strenuous. Her husband Bhakti Rajak would cut the soil and she would move it to the required spot. However, for the last one-and-a-half years, they are without anything substantial. Asked what her husband does these days, she remarked, “What else other than grazing goats?”Mamta Rajak (50), an MGNREGA worker from Raghudi village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Majority of the people in Raghudi ward number two had been dependent on the MGNREGA in the past years. However, the Central government’s allocation has stopped due to a conflict with the West Bengal government over corruption in the MGNREGA. "I worked in MGNREGA, but did not get any money. Now I do not get work either," said Helu Pal (60), a labourer.In the face of unemployment, workers are migrating to other states. Those who have stayed back have been constantly searching for employment in nearby cities. Vishakha Pal (26) of the village said her husband has found work as a labourer in Purulia. People in Raghudi have agricultural lands in the range of three to 10 decimals only. Therefore, they cannot earn much through farming. That is the reason for their dependence on MGNREGA for almost 15 years.  "The Centre says the state government does not provide accounts of the MGNREGA money and there is corruption, but then what is our fault in this? They should catch those who misappropriated funds and lodge them in jail. Why have they stopped the money of the poor,” questioned Mukhtar Ansari (26) of Raghudi.Be it Central or state schemes, the entire wages are paid by the former. As for material cost, the Centre bears 75% and states the remaining portion. With the fund freeze in West Bengal, only work related to schemes run by the Central government is happening, that too only in a few districts.   Speaking to 101Reporters, Pradipta Biswas, MGNREGA Nodal Officer of Purulia, informed that 11 lakh MGNREGA labourers were present in the district. “Due to the stoppage of allocation from the Centre, payment of Rs 121 crore has been outstanding. Many types of activities, including work on barren land and pond construction, stand cancelled,” he informed.MNREGA work involving pond construction (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)A study by a fact-finding team in July last year assessed the ground situation in South 24 Parganas, Nadia and Purulia districts in the aftermath of fund freeze. “The district panchayat and rural development officer of Purulia highlighted that the average number of workers in the district in July 2021 was around 80,000-90,000, which has now dropped to 5,000 to 6,000... The administration is unable to carry out water restoration projects or to plant saplings,” said the fact-finding team's report.James Heranj, a team member and convener of Jharkhand NREGA Watch, told 101Reporters that the Centre used Section 27 of the MGNREGA Act to stop funds. “It is a wrong decision. If there are irregularities, the Centre should send its representative to investigate and take action against the guilty officials. Not paying wages to workers is an attack on their right to life,” he protested.Some of the team members met the Central officials of MGNREGA and Rural Development Ministry last June. Citing the clear response of the Central authorities, the report said they claimed the ministry repeatedly wrote to the state government in the last three years seeking action on identified issues, but the state’s response has been slow and unsatisfactory.  A case of overdependenceAccording to the September 24 data (2023-24) on the MGNREGA website, there are 11,33,189 registered workers in Purulia district, of which 5,25,597 are women. Of the total registered workers, 2,34,019 belong to Scheduled Caste (SC) category and 2,33,264 to Scheduled Tribe (ST) category. However, the number of active job cards is 3,33,745. There are 5,52,057 active workers, in which the number of women is 2,58,732. There are 1,07,945 SC, 1,18,949 ST and 3,25,163 other category workers.Active job card means at least one person from the family who has worked for a single day in the last three years or at least one day in the current financial year. Purulia block-2 has 16,926 active job cards and 25,018 workers, of which 12,582 are women. Of the total active workers here, there are 8,037 SC and 1,282 ST workers, and 15,699 other category workers.In Belma panchayat, there are 2,286 active job cards and 3,168 active workers. The number of active women workers is 1,740. Of the total active workers, there are 979 workers from SC category, 148 from ST category and 2,041 from other categories.According to the 2011 Census, the population of 13 out of 15 villages in Belma panchayat was 20,072. The literacy rate was 66.42%, which is much lower than West Bengal's literacy rate of 76.26%. There were 8,771 workers, of which 5,335 were registered as marginal workers, who get work for less than six months. Obviously, the MGNREGA workers fall in the category of marginal workers as they are guaranteed only 100 days of work. If we consider the 2011 Census as the basis, the panchayat has about 22% workers. These figures thus indicate the dependence of the residents on MGNREGA.Kaushik Chaudhary, who served as Belma panchayat secretary until last December, told 101Reporters that about 3,700 families were associated with the work during his service period, in which the number of active labourers was around 2,300.Former sarpanch Rajkumar Chakraborty told 101Reporters that migration from the panchayat has increased after the MNGREGA fund freeze. “People are going to Odisha, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi and neighbouring Jharkhand to earn money.” Belma panchayat chief Lokosani Rajak echoed his views. Glimpse of a lane in Raghudi village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Poverty on the riseAccording to the National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5), 26.84% of the population in Purulia district was multidimensionally poor during the 2019-21 period. Devjit Roy, Block Development Officer of Purulia block-2, told 101Reporters that MGNREGA is utilised only for Central schemes now. “Except for people aged below 18 years and above 60 years, 75% of the people were dependent on it. Besides leading to high poverty, the stopping of works has affected asset creation, like say ponds,” he said.An email sent to Purulia District Magistrate Dr Rajat Nanda on the functioning of MGNREGA scheme in the district did not elicit a reply.   According to Paschim Banga Khet Mazdoor Samity (PBKMS) state committee member Anuradha Talwar, MGNREGA had made a large section of women first-time wage earners. “Around 50 to 60% of labourers were women. The freezing of funds has increased their sufferings. Migration of men from the state has increased, but women are unable to leave. Both the livelihood crisis and the burden of family responsibilities have increased for them." The PBKMS has filed a petition before the Calcutta High Court on the issue. It stated that Rs 2,764.84 crore in wages were pending. It has demanded that the state government create a revolving fund of Rs 1,000 crore, so that in case of delay from the Centre or any complication in payments, the wages of MGNREGA workers can be paid from it.  Meanwhile, a newsreport said the West Bengal government was considering launching a scheme at its own level to provide 100 days employment. If the Trinamool Congress government does this before the Lok Sabha elections, it can also get political benefit from it. Of the 2,57,63,901 workers in West Bengal, 1,38,99,391 are active workers. In the current fiscal, 1,64,780 employment days were created in the state till September 24. South 24 Parganas and Purulia got the maximum number of employment days at 81,906 and 43,742, respectively. Murshidabad was at the third spot, where 18,620 employment days were created. However, there were many districts where not a single employment day was created. Notably, all these employment days were created under Central liability only.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Women of Raghudi village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

No work, PF or gratuity for tea workers of North Bengal as plantations close, managements flout rules

Tea garden managements refuse to deposit their share of workers' PF, deliberately make mistakes in their identification records to prevent them from claiming benefits Alipurduar, West Bengal: Visiting West Bengal’s lush tea gardens for the first time in the month of July was like a journey through the gates of heaven. Traversing through Alipurduar district of North Bengal, and several villages bordering Bhutan, this correspondent could not help but marvel at the scenic landscape: dozens of women plucking tender tea leaves against the backdrop of green expanse and pristine blue skies interspersed with dense clouds. Despite being an inseparable part of this panoramic setting, the lives of tea workers are far from ideal. One of the many problems plaguing them is the closure of plantations for long durations. Dilbahadur Sunwar (48), a permanent employee at the now-closed Lankapara Tea Garden, receives an unemployment allowance of Rs 1,500 per month from the labour department. He is among the fortunate few as the department is not bound by law to provide allowance to temporary workers, who usually comprise the bulk of the workforce.Dilbahadur Sunwar at Lankapara tea garden (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters) Paschim Banga Cha Majoor Samity leader Anuradha Talwar tells 101Reporters that some plantations reopen, but then some more shut down. Some labourers switch to other occupations in the area, while several others migrate.Unending cycle of poverty According to a survey conducted by the Tea Board of India, 2.39 lakh permanent tea workers and 94,000 temporary workers are present in North Bengal. In all, 449 tea gardens function in the organised sector in the state. If at least four persons are considered dependent on one tea worker, then 12 lakh people rely on tea gardens for their livelihood and housing. Calling this a conservative estimate, Uttar Bangal Chai Shramik Sangathan president Christian Kharia says at least 15 lakh people depend on tea gardens.Tutal Bedia (46), a worker from Dhekalapara Tea Estate in Alipurduar district, tells 101Reporters that the estate reopened five months ago after remaining shut for 22 years. He decided to pick stones from River Dimdima to make a living when the estate shut a few years after he joined in 1998.  According to a rough estimate, 80% of the workers employed in tea gardens are women. It is their job to pluck the leaves, while men are employed in tea factories. At present, tea workers get only Rs 232 per day as wages. The April 27 announcement to raise it to Rs 250 per day is yet to be implemented.Opposing a wage hike, some tea companies have filed a petition in the Calcutta High Court. Meanwhile, workers inform that plantation owners have reiterated that no decision to increase the wages was taken during the tripartite meeting attended by the management, the labour union and those representing the government.Dhekalapara tea factory (above) Dhekalapara tea garden (below) (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters) In a written reply to 101Reporters, the Tea Board of India says the Plantations Labour Act, 1951, provides for regulation of working conditions in tea gardens and welfare measures for workers. There are provisions to ensure that employers provide accommodation and medical facilities to workers, apart from allowing maternity benefits, educational facilities for children, drinking water, sanitation, and canteens and creches near tea gardens. The workers live in the residential quarters provided by the tea estate, but have no land rights despite living there for generations. These houses were built on lands provided by the government and not tea gardens. "In the early 19th century, the Britishers transported 1,836 Adivasis, including our ancestors, from Chota Nagpur area in present-day Jharkhand for building tea plantations here. These workers cut forests and made the area suitable for tea plantations, but they did not own a piece of land. Our kids who even manage to do BA or MA have to work in the tea garden because they will lose the house otherwise,” says Kharia.  He adds there are two types of land in the garden area — plantation and non-plantation. The tea plantation management should have rights over the plantation land only. To make this effective, the 1951 Act should be amended, he demands.  Missing benefits Sunwar narrates his ordeal in obtaining his rightful dues, including provident fund (PF) and gratuity. He received it in 2019, whereas the plant stopped operations in the first quarter of 2015. He got the amount after 29 organisations filed a case for clearance of dues. Many are still awaiting their dues.  "Before the Lankapara plantation stopped operations, at least 3,000 labourers worked there. I also was part of the workforce for 23 years. The management stopped making deposits in my PF accounts in 2010. What can I do with this unemployment benefit of Rs 1,500? People are migrating to Chennai, Delhi, Kerala and Bengaluru to work as domestic helps or for other menial jobs,” he frets.“Former workers in Lankapara say there is a PF scam in the tea garden, and it is done by middlemen and management together. The labour commissioner is also roped in by political parties in favour of tea estate owners,” he alleges. Ashok Pradhan (45), a senior staff member of Lankapara garden, now cultivates green tea in the estate by forming around 14 committees with 100 to 150 workers each. He explains how the PF scam works. "Different names are entered in different records. If my name is Ashok Pradhan, it is entered into the employment records as A Pradhan. Due to such issues, one-third of the workers here do not even get unemployment allowance," he says.The number of tea workers is very large and they are less educated. Mismatch in dates of birth/death also leads to 'technical issues', which prevents people from withdrawing PF and gratuity.“In our estate, at least 1,200 retired workers are yet to get their gratuities since 1998. Some of them have passed away," says Bhunu Gwala (59), who has been fighting for workers in his position as the Kalchini plantation president of Paschim Banga Cha Majoor Samity. Legally, the companies are required to settle gratuity payouts within three months of a worker being out of job. Tea workers' bags filled with tea leaves, along with umbrellas (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Following the Supreme Court (SC) intervention — a complaint on PF irregularities reached the SC in 2006 — the PF department has handed over a document with details up to November 18 last year of the workers of Alipurduar and Jalpaiguri districts to the workers or their representative organisations and the plantation managements.101Reporters managed to access this document with details of PF of 64,096 tea workers in 30 gardens. The document mentioned the month and year in which the PF contribution of a particular worker was not deposited with the department and for that, how much penalty was imposed on the plantation. Up until November 18 last year,  fines to be deducted from tea plantation managements came to Rs 12.71 crore.  Gwala alleges that the company management walks back on the promises made within courtrooms. “They also violated the orders of the Lok Adalat, which on December 10 last year, ordered the management to pay up to Rs 35,000 by this April to the labourers with outstanding gratuity.” Repeated attempts to get contact details of Lankapara estate management on the closure of plants, and the PF and gratuity issues proved futile. The manager at Kalchini, Ram Prakash Thakur, speaking 101Reporters said, "The owner of Kalchini Tea Estate changed nine months ago and the entire management of the tea estate has not yet come completely into their hands. After that, we will be able to take an initiative on the matter related to PF."Copy of the Lok Adalat Order (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Fight for rights Trade unions are the mainstay of tea garden workers in their fight for rights. Political parties also try to capitalise on the issue of PF scam.   Speaking to 101Reporters, SK Naushad Ali, Assistant Labour Commissioner of Alipurduar district, accepts the fact that tea plantation managements do not give gratuity. He also admits that the plantations are not depositing their PF share.  “When complaints come from a trade union, we hold tripartite talks, in which the plantation management, the trade union and we, the public servants, are involved and the matter is heard… The complaints related to PF are relayed to the PF department,” he says. A former deputy labour commissioner of Alipurduar district also acknowledges that plantation managements scam the PF and do not deposit their share of the fund. On the other hand, Anuradha Talwar alleges that both the labour and PF departments look after the interests of the plantation managements and do not act against them as strongly as they should. “In case of irregularities, if the plantation owner is arrested, he/she is released due to lack of a strong provision.”  “Tea workers cannot withdraw money directly from PF. When they go to the PF clerk, the brokers corner them and the bargaining begins. These middlemen can charge anywhere from 10 to 50% of the amount rightfully owed to the worker. If workers try to withdraw PF directly, they are harassed and shooed away on pretext of a mismatch with Aadhaar data or a mistake in the Universal Account Number,” she details. The labour department works under the state government and the PF department comes under the Central government. This also causes problems in coordination. According to Talwar, 29 organisations had filed a court case on behalf of around 26,000 labourers in Alipurduar and Jalpaiguri districts, and according to a rough estimate, PF money of Rs 350 to 400 crore are still pending.   Edited by Ananya SrivastavaCover Photo - Female laborers working in Jayveerpada Chai Bagan of Alipurduar District (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Mamata’s flagship programme erodes powers of panchayats

Duare Sarkar outreach initiative gradually replaces gram sansad and gram unnayan samiti, the fulcrum of village development with local participation  South 24 Parganas, West Bengal: For the residents of West Bengal's Sundarbans region, climate change and poverty are two sides of the same coin. While Taposi Haldar (30), a resident of Damkal Kuimai village in South 24 Parganas district, has had her share of problems with these two, corruption has also had an impact on her.Taposi earns Rs 100 to 400 when she goes fishing once in four to five days. Her husband Sanat Haldar works in a potato godown in Jalpaiguri. Though her income is meagre, she was forced to cough up Rs 600 as a bribe to digitalise her ration card.“Our panchayat member does not hear us. We expect good housing and construction of river embankments to prevent breaches during cyclones,” says Taposi, a mother of four.Taposi says the Panchayat members do not listen to her and the dealer demanded a bribe for PDS cards (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The work on embankments were part of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) scheme, which became defunct in the state one-and-a-half years ago due to the Centre-state tussle. This has not only affected works, but also the livelihood of lakhs of MGNREGA workers.  Hailing from Taposi's village, Sanatan Haldar (26) and his wife Joba Haldar (25) still await payment of dues for the work done under the scheme. Joba says they sustain by catching fish and crabs these days, while she also gets Rs 500 every month under the Lakshmir Bhandar scheme. The government provides five kg ration rice for each family member.“Everything happens as per the state government’s wish now. Two months ago, the Duare Sarkar programme was held in Nagendrapur, our panchayat. Earlier, gram sansad used to meet and make decisions on local issues,” says Sanatan.Under the Duare Sarkar (government at doorstep) outreach programme, camps are organised to deliver services and enlist beneficiaries under at least 11 welfare schemes run by the Mamata Banerjee government. The government staff would reach the gram panchayat/municipal ward to provide information on welfare schemes.Paray Samadhan, a community component of the programme, deals with the citizens’ petitions seeking redressal of neighbourhood issues/needs. In a way, the programme limits the powers of panchayats and gives more control over affairs to the workers of the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC).“The government officials and TMC workers visit villages under the programme. But people are still disappointed because their problems are not resolved. If only the government’s attitude is positive will the lowest tier of Panchayati Raj Institutions work effectively,” CPM's state committee member Meenakshi Mukherjee tells 101Reporters.Sundarbans region where people are battling climate change, unemployment and corruption (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Powers and duties“As the gram panchayats in the state [West Bengal] are quite large in size having a population of twenty to thirty thousand, they have been subdivided on ward basis amending the Gram Panchayat Act, and for each ward, constitution of gram sansad has been made mandatory. Gram sansad is a body constituted with all the voters in a constituency of the gram panchayat,” says an explanatory write-up published in Odisha Review. The gram sansad meetings are instruments of direct participation of the people in the planning process as well as monitoring of elected representatives, it continues. “Under the laws, the gram sansad is supposed to (i) guide and advise the gram panchayats with regard to schemes for economic development and social justice undertaken or proposed to be undertaken in its area; (ii) identify or lay down principles for identification of the beneficiaries for various poverty alleviation programmes; (iii) constitute beneficiary committees for ensuring active participation of the people in implementation, maintenance and equitable distribution of benefits of schemes in the area; (iv) mobilise mass participation for community welfare, and programmes for adult education, family planning and child welfare; and (v) record its objections to any action of the village council chief or any member of the village council for failure to implement development schemes properly or without active participation of the people of the area.”The powers and duties of the gram panchayat include sanitation, drinking water supply, maintenance and repair of public streets, removal of encroachments, and organising voluntary labour for community works and works for uplifting its area. Gram unnayan samiti, on the other hand, assists gram sansad to prepare its five-year and annual plans, which will form the basis of the gram panchayat plan.Gram unnayan samiti is constituted in a special meeting of the gram sansad and will have the elected panchayat member, the candidate who finished second in polls, and representatives from other social spheres. As part of its work, the unnayan samiti identifies the needs of the sansad area through participatory methods and prepares budget. It helps the gram panchayat to make both assessment and realisation of tax, and prioritise the projects and schemes for implementation using the available resources and in consultation with the villagers.Promoting livelihood opportunities for all adult members of the sansad through proper and planned utilisation of available resources, including greater access to credit from financial institutions or gram sansad fund is another area of priority. Spreading awareness on livelihood, health, nutrition, education, gender and environment is another function. It also tries to mobilise people around the gram sansad for expansion of social opportunities and in the process link up the activities of the sansad with those of the gram panchayat concerned.Meetings, discussions on the back burnerThe gram sansad holds a meeting of the entire electorate of a constituency once in six months (first in November and second in May) to discuss local needs, new programmes, choose beneficiaries of existing programmes, review the past and proposed programmes, and inspect the accounts of expenditure and budgets of the panchayat. Each village within a gram panchayat will have its own gram sabha, which meets annually (in December, after the completion of gram sansad’s half-yearly meeting) to review the proposed budget for the next year and performance of the previous year. The decisions of the gram sansad are discussed in the gram sabha.  “Both gram sansad and gram unnayan samiti have been rendered inactive after the TMC government came into power. Their strength has been lost... In the Duare Sarkar programme, the TMC leaders and bureaucrats aligned to the ruling party assume the duties of the panchayat,” Anuradha Talwar, state committee member,Paschim Banga Khet Mazdoor Samity, tells 101Reporters.  Sariful Malik from the Indian Secular Front is the newly elected panchayat member from Chalta Beria in Bhangar-2 block of South 24 Parganas. "The TMC workers stop opposition parties from contesting elections and do not give them a chance in matters related to the panchayat," he claims.Kankandighi panchayat chief Purnima Kar from the TMC, however, claims that all the panchayat committees hold meetings in her place. Her husband Govindchandra Kar says gram sansad meets twice a year and decides on development schemes, including road construction and identification of beneficiaries for tubewells. Both claim the Opposition's views are heard and considered important while taking decisions. Nagendrapur and Kankandighi panchayats are adjacent to each other. One-tenth of the total members shall form a quorum for a gram sansad meeting, failing which an adjournment meeting can be held. The Mamata Banerjee-led government is accused of using this provision of the West Bengal Panchayat Act, 1973, to run the show using government staff and thus override the powers of the local bodies.Conversations with people in rural parts of South and North Bengal make it clear that they still remember the gram sansad meetings. “Democracy is dead, and the government is responsible for it. Neither gram sansad nor gram unnayan samiti meets,” says Navo Kumar Laskar, an MGNREGA worker from Damkal-3 in South 24 Parganas district. Kolkata-based senior journalist Chandan Das explains further. “If these forums function, issues will have to be discussed there. But this is not the TMC culture. For the sake of showing off, they hold gram sansad meetings at some places. But even there, the TMC workers rule the roost.”"West Bengal does not need Duare Sarkar programmes. By attending them, you can only fill up forms for government schemes. You cannot register a complaint there. What we really need is elected panchayat representatives, to whom the public can complain or speak their minds," Das emphasises. Even the July 8 panchayat elections were announced hastily, a day after Rajiv Sinha — he served as chief secretary for a year from September 2019 — assumed the office of State Election Commissioner on June 7. “The usual practice of holding an all-party meet before announcing election dates was given a miss. Unlike the four-phase polls of 2018, elections were scheduled in a single phase this time,” says Mohammad Abdul Malik Mollah, the Indian Secular Front’s district president for South 24 Parganas. Though panchayat elections have been regularly held in West Bengal since 1978, its fairness has always been under question. The Duare Sarkar initiative makes matters worse.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - TMC flags displayed in a village in Sundarbans (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

In violence-hit Bhangar, TMC wins majority of panchayat seats without contest

A wary TMC allegedly used threat and force to stop opposition candidates from filing nomination papers, in a bid to pave way for uncontested poll wins at Bhangar in South 24 Parganas Kolkata, West Bengal: When I reached out to my local contacts in Kolkata about heading to Bhangar in South 24 Parganas district to cover the July 8 panchayat elections, they cautioned me against venturing alone. “One of our people will come with you,” they said.It made sense since the area is remote and not particularly well-connected, despite being close to the New Town of state capital Kolkata. Also, the place happens to be most affected by violence in the run-up to the polls, recording at least three deaths. There have been reports of violence in Bhangar ever since the poll process began. However, the most widespread violence took place on June 15, the last day of filing nomination papers. Explosives were hurled, vehicles set afire in Vijayganj market and people were shot at in the incident. According to media reports, a supporter each of the Indian Secular Front (ISF), a relatively new political party, and the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) died in the clash.On what culminated in the violence, ISF district president MD Abdul Malik Mollah alleged that the TMC supporters blocked the road in front of the Block Development Office in Bhangar Block-2 in a bid to prevent the ISF candidates from filing nomination papers. “TMC MLA Saokat Molla gathered outsiders to stop us. When our candidates still managed to enter the office, explosives and stones were hurled at them. Our party worker Moinuddin Mollah (30) was killed in the incident.”Saokat Molla, the MLA from Canning Purba constituency and TMC in-charge for Bhangar, claimed that his party lost two workers, Rashid Mollah and Raju Naskar, in the incident. “Another 21 supporters suffered bullet injuries and are under treatment,” he said.Responding to the allegations of outsiders thronging the place, Saokat said, "It was not us. They brought supporters and goons from outside, and we complained to both the police and State Election Commission."South 24 Parganas, Murshidabad, Uttar Dinajpur and Cooch Behar recorded more clashes during the days of filing of nomination papers. At least 10 people died in alleged political violence within 15 days of the announcement of poll dates on June 8.However, after the completion of the nomination process on June 15, the State Election Commission said in a statement that no one has died in political violence in the state since the poll announcement. The statement was based on a report from the state police.For representation purposes only (Photo - Flickr/Ben Sutherland)Asked about the prevailing situation in the run-up to the polls, BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari had said, "The situation is horrible. The central forces were not properly used, and the State Election Commission and the ruling TMC tried to mislead the people.”Changing political dynamicsThe Indian Secular Front, formed in 2021, is the main opposition party in Bhangar area. Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) is also an important player in Bhangar, but the Indian National Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are less influential. As part of a pre-poll arrangement, the CPM and Congress have allied with ISF. “The ISF’s hooliganism prevails in Bhangar as it gets support from other parties. It works with the Left and Congress, and the BJP offers tacit support as 30% of the voters are Hindus,” claimed Saokat. Kolkata's senior journalist Ajay Vidyarthi told 101Reporters that Muslims constituted 67% of Bhangar’s population. Naushad Siddiqui (30), the ISF’s lone MLA in the state representing Bhangar, is the great-grandson of Mohammad Abu Bakr Siddique, whose mazar (holy shrine) in Furfura Sharif village in Hooghly district attracts thousands of devotees. “Siddiqui and family exercise influence over a large section of Bengali Muslims who are seen as a safe vote bank. His growing influence on the community is a matter of concern for the TMC, which is one of the reasons for the heightened conflicts," Vidyarthi assessed.The Aam Aadmi Party is also emerging in the region and has influence over Muslims in many areas of West Bengal, which is also seen as a political challenge to the TMC.Ahirul Haque, a member of the CPM Bhangar-2 area committee and resident of Chalta Bediya village panchayat (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The changing political dynamics have put the TMC in a spot, so much so that it counts on intimidation as an effective tool to garner votes. “The TMC has a monopoly here. I am sure if there is a fair election, it will lose. The party workers do not allow other candidates to file papers to ensure that more TMC candidates are chosen as panchayat members and heads. The Opposition parties have also alleged that their candidatures were rejected citing ‘errors’,” Ahirul Haque (44), a member of the CPM Bhangar-2 area committee and resident of Chalta Bediya village panchayat, told 101Reporters.Recalling how the TMC men haunted him during the 2021 Assembly polls, he said, “They pelted stones on my house as I refused to join their party.” The game of no-contestThe coercion is evident in the way many seats have gone to the TMC uncontested here in this election, despite the rest of the state bucking this trend. Bhangar-2 has 218 village panchayat, 30 block panchayat and three district council seats. Out of these, TMC recorded unopposed wins in 130 gram panchayat seats and 14 block panchayat seats (guaranteeing it the block panchayat chairman post). In fact, Abdul Malik Mollah said that nominations of 82 ISF and 19 CPM panchayat member candidates were cancelled in this block alone, citing mistakes in their poll papers. Indian Secular Front district president MD Abdul Malik Mollah (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters) The numbers in Bhangar-1 are even more stark. The Opposition has fielded no candidates in any of the block panchayat and district council seats. Thus, the TMC grabbed all 27 block panchayat and two district council seats. Bhangar-1 has nine village panchayats with 223 panchayat member seats. Only two went to polls, the rest of the 221 seats went to the TMC uncontested. No other party has won unopposed from any of the seats here.While uncontested wins may show the acceptability and influence of the TMC, it also may indicate that the candidates of other parties were either afraid of entering the fray or were prevented from doing so. The fact that candidates have to move the court to get permission for security arrangements before filing poll papers, tells a lot about the state of affairs in West Bengal. Curiously, this 'clean sweep' in the block is an anomaly, and way above the state average where only 9.5% of the seats were won uncontested. In the previous panchayat elections in 2018, however, 34% of the seats were won uncontested, most by the TMC. Observers have noted that TMC has consciously toned down its heavy-handed suppression of the democratic process this time, as it is believed to have cost it the Lok Sabha elections the following year. Violent redux in Bhangar on polling dayOver two lakh candidates competed in 73,887 seats in the single-phase panchayat elections on July 8, with 5.67 crore voters deciding their fate. At the time of publishing this story, as many as 15 deaths in election-related violence on polling day have been reported in the state. The voter turnout this time was 66.28%. The counting of votes will take place on July 11.As the polling progressed on July 8, one suspected death due to head injuries in a bomb attack was reported from Phul Malancha polling station in South 24 Parganas. In another incident, two children suffered injuries when they picked up a crude bomb, mistaking it for a ball, at Kashipur in Bhangar. The injured siblings were admitted to a hospital in Kolkata. The area had seen ISF-TMC clashes late on July 7.   In Murshidabad, voting was halted after a clash erupted between the BJP and TMC workers. In Cooch Behar’s Dinhata, ballot boxes were vandalised and ballot papers set afire. Locals destroyed a ballot box in Baranachina alleging bogus voting. The TMC, meanwhile, alleged that the pradhan (panchayat chief) of Bidyanandpur was brutally attacked by the Congress workers.Cover photo - Explosives were hurled, vehicles set afire and two people died in Bhangar in the widespread violence that took place on June 15, the last day of filing nomination papers (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)