Cost of power: How villages in Odisha are losing out to the state’s energy ambitions

As the state earns money from mining, farmlands turn to dust, and communities struggle to reclaim their rightsJharsuguda/Sambhalpur, Odisha: Every morning Dilip (35) and his wife, Godavari (32) scavenge their way through the loose earth of the defunct Talabira-1 coal mine in Odisha’s Khinda village of Sambalpur district, gathering stray lumps of coal to sell. This is their only source of livelihood. In the 2000s, Godavari’s parents gave up an acre of land for the mine. They received no compensation or employment. Today, Dilip and Godavari stay with her family in a small home at the edge of the mine, constantly dealing with tremors from frequent blasting and cracks in their walls. “We’ve received no benefits from the company,” she told 101Reporters. “Only damage.”Godavari and Dilip’s story is far from unique. Across the coal belts of Jharsuguda and Sambalpur districts, thousands of families — once landowners — now live as informal labourers in an expanding industrial zone. As the state pushes for higher domestic coal output and builds thermal plants closer to mines, these communities bear the brunt of a failed energy transition: lost land, unstable jobs, and polluted air.Pollution near Jharsuguda (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)On the brinkIn 2005, Manbodh Biswal’s (70) two acres of land in Khinda village were acquired for the Talabira-1 project with the promise of rehabilitation and direct or indirect employment. Two decades later, his son Hiteshwar Biswal, a mechanical engineering diploma holder, earns just Rs 12,000 a month in a job offered by the company operating the mine in the area. “The company doesn’t offer permanent jobs anymore,” Biswal said. “Everything is outsourced.”Many in Khinda, along with residents of four other revenue villages — Malda, Rampur and Patrapali in Jharsuguda and Talabira in Sambalpur — share similar frustrations.To understand the stories of these villages, one has to understand the history of the coal project. The Talabira coal project is owned by Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC), a Navratna public sector company. Since April 2020, mining operations have been handled by Talabira (Odisha) Mining Private Limited, a subsidiary of Adani Power, which was awarded the contract by NLC. The Talabira mining area spans two districts: Jharsuguda and Sambalpur. Of the 1,914.063 hectares of land acquired for the coal project, 1,034.136 hectares — or 54% — is forest land that has been officially diverted for mining by the Forest Department. A study by the Land Conflict Watch estimates that the project could affect as many as 1,894 families.Notably, last year, the Centre laid the foundation stone for the Talabira-3 Supercritical Thermal Power Plant, a 2,400 MW project (3 x 800 MW units) being developed by NLC India Limited (NLCIL). The plant will be fed directly by the nearby Talabira-2 and -3 coal blocks, which together hold an estimated 553 million tonnes of coal. By placing the power plant close to the mines, the government aims to cut coal transport costs and streamline supply.Closed coal mine at Talabira (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Ground zero“They dump waste into our river, kill our fish, and no one stops them,” Rashminandan Sahu (27) said while pointing at the Bheden River in Odisha’s Malda village of Jharsuguda district.The sky is often dark and ashy across the river and throughout Jharsuguda — home to an estimated 35 to 40 large industrial units. Along the Jharsuguda–Sambalpur highway, lined with dozens of factories, roads, trees, plants, and even water bodies, have a blackened hue. Driving along this stretch, the air hums with the sounds of power plants and sponge iron factories, while a steady stream of trucks continuously haul coal in and out of the nearby mines, a defining feature of the region.This is the ground zero of an energy system that is powering cities far away but is leaving its own people breathing dust, drinking polluted water and waiting in vain for rehabilitation and resettlement benefits. The villagers complain that over the years, the mining companies have changed their land.Take, for example, the region’s river ecosystem. In Malda village, the Bheden River now only carries waste from nearby factories, residents allege. They claim that companies like Bhushan Steel and SMC Power Generation Ltd release untreated effluents into the water. “We have complained to the district collector twice, but we have received no response,” Sahu added. The villagers said that in 2017, an ash pond near the Vedanta Aluminium plant in Katikela village of Jharsuguda district collapsed, spilling toxic fly ash into the Bheden. The river, which eventually drains into the Mahanadi, turned grey, and fish died in large numbers. In 2019, the National Green Tribunal appointed a court commissioner, PC Mishra, to investigate the incident. His report confirmed that 4.2 million metric tonnes of ash had spilt, damaging 65 acres of farmland and 50 acres of open land. Separately, every year, trees are chopped down without any environmental clearance. One estimate pegs the loss at over 40,000 trees for roads linked to Talabira’s coal operations. In Malda, Sahu said around 125 acres of forest have already been destroyed. “When we protest, we’re threatened with police action,” he said, adding that Adivasi families here are still waiting for recognition of their forest rights under the Forest Rights Act. But, instead of getting titles, they’re watching their land disappear.Sahu explained that the expansion of the Talabira-2 and -3 mines will erase Malda village entirely. “Other villages will lose parts, but ours will be gone,” he said. A glimpse of Malda village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Money trailJharsuguda may be a small district, but it sits on staggering mineral wealth. The Ib Valley Coalfield alone holds over 9,300 million tonnes of reserves. Mining activities here, particularly those by Mahanadi Coalfields Limited (MCL), a subsidiary of Coal India, span over 9,255 hectares of land.The Odisha government earns Rs 550-600 crore annually from coal mining in this district alone.By law, a portion of that wealth is meant to flow back to affected communities through the District Mineral Foundation. This fund is intended to support basic needs: clean water, education, environmental restoration, health care, and alternative livelihoods in places directly impacted by mining.Parliamentary records show that Jharsuguda received Rs 200.82 crore in 2022-23, of which Rs 137.47 crore was spent. In 2023-24, Rs 180.35 crore came in, but Rs 222.37 crore was spent, possibly using carry-forward funds. By February 2024-25, the district had received Rs 169.26 crore, but only Rs 59.84 crore had been spent.The region has 133 registered industrial units contributing to the fund. But despite the scale of this financial input, villagers like Sahu said they see little to no improvement in local infrastructure or services. “Our roads are broken, the air is black with dust, and we don’t have clean drinking water,” he said. Public hearing by civil society group in Malda (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Odisha’s climate burdenOdisha makes up just 3.5% of India’s population, but contributes nearly 10% of the country’s total greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. According to the Odisha GHG Emission Profile Report 2022–23 by iFOREST, the state’s emissions stood at 305.2 million metric tonnes in 2022–23 and are projected to rise to between 493 and 782 million tonnes by 2035–36.The state holds 24% of India’s coal, 50% of its iron ore, 73% of its bauxite, 54% of its aluminium smelting capacity, and 10% of India’s coal-based thermal power capacity. Power and steel plants account for 84% of the state’s total GHG emissions, with coal-based thermal power alone contributing 49%.Odisha’s per capita emissions now stand at 6.9 tonnes of CO2, more than twice the national average of 2.8 tonnes. And while the report doesn’t break down emissions by district, the intensity of mining and industrial activity in Jharsuguda makes it one of the likely epicentres of this climate cost.Moped for transporting coal (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Up in ashesSatyanarayan Rao, president of the Anchalika Parivesh Suraksha Sangh in Jharsuguda, alleged that there is a critical threat to the Mahanadi River—Odisha’s lifeline—and the Hirakud Dam, a Ramsar wetland site, from unchecked industrial waste dumping, often within the prohibited 500-meter river buffer zone. In 2024, he petitioned the Rajya Sabha Committee on Petitions, naming multiple polluting industries including Vedanta Aluminium, Aditya Birla, Odisha Power Generation Corporation in Banharpali and others, and accusing them of dumping waste on floodplains, forests, and farmland, devastating local forests and tribal lands.Following these complaints, the Odisha State Pollution Control Board (OSPCB) fined Vedanta Rs 71 crore for illegally dumping over 711,000 metric tonnes of fly ash across multiple districts. Vedanta has challenged the penalty in court, where the case remains pending.RN Prusty, Chief Environmental Engineer at the OPCB, acknowledged the challenges of monitoring pollution in the highly industrialised Jharsuguda-Sambalpur region, especially unauthorised dumping at night. “We regularly take action, issue directives, and impose fines. Since Durga Puja in October 2024, we have seen a decline in violations,” he said.Mining is a crucial pillar of Odisha’s economy (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)ChallengesMining is a crucial pillar of Odisha’s economy, ranking second after agriculture and forestry. According to the state’s 2023–24 Economic Survey, mining contributes around 9.4% to the Gross State Value Added (GSVA) and is growing at about 9%, significantly faster than the 3.5% growth rate of agriculture and forestry, which together account for 20.4% of GSVA. In response to the growing climate crisis and the need for sustainable development, the Odisha government has set ambitious renewable energy targets. The Odisha Renewable Energy Policy, announced in 2022, aims to install 10 gigawatts (GW) of renewable energy capacity by 2030, positioning the state as a leader in India’s energy transition. This policy also envisions the creation of green jobs and the promotion of just transition strategies to support communities impacted by the shift away from fossil fuels.Despite these plans, the reality in Jharsuguda remains challenging. As of April 2025, Jharsuguda has zero installed renewable energy capacity. The only renewable project planned is a 50 MW solar plant by Odisha Power Generation Corporation Limited.Additionally, while renewable energy projects are being approved, including a Rs 3,000 crore investment announced by the Indian Renewable Energy Development Agency (IREDA) in December 2024, fossil fuel investments dwarf these efforts. For example, the Talabira Thermal Power Project, a coal-fired plant in Odisha, alone requires an investment of Rs 27,000 crore.Cover Photo - Bheden River near Malda village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Giridih saves its village ponds with NITI Aayog's help

The largest rural district of Jharkhand with 344 panchayats, Giridih improves the water holding capacity of its ponds by removing siltGiridih, Jharkhand: Standing next to a pond in his village Govindatand in Jharkhand’s Giridih district, Dego Mahto (72) describes the vital role this water body plays in the lives of the residents. “During July-August, we fully used up the pond water twice. When it rained again, the pond filled up again," he says.Rich in forest resources and having mostly plateau terrain, Jharkhand receives about 1,200 mm of rainfall every year. Giridih district falling in North Chota Nagpur division receives an average of 1,189 mm of rainfall, with the month of July seeing a maximum of 307.7 mm of rainfall. However, the uncertainty of rainfall has increased in the last few years.Dego Mahto talking about the role this water body plays in the lives of the residents (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)During the monsoon months, cases of heavy rainfall on a single day and no rainfall for several days are increasing. Throughout the year, there is uncertainty over rainfall, and threat of excessive rainfall or drought. Moreover, plateau terrain makes surface runoff more pronounced.Ponds of Giridih had remained stagnant until last year, until a grant from NITI Aayog helped revive them. For the first time in about 25 years, the old pond of Govindatand was renovated.“Our committee ensured that the repair was successful. Water-holding capacity has increased following the removal of accumulated silt. However, the pond’s eastern end sees erosion. If a retaining wall is built around the pond, water loss and the resultant soil erosion can be stopped. The village has one more pond, so we are also seeking funds for renovating it,” says Govindatand pani panchayat samiti secretary Muralidhar Verma (52)."Silt was removed just before the onset of monsoon rains. Farmers used it as manure in their fields. They also built field embankments using it,” says Ramdev Verma (47), who notes that River Usri flows three km away from the village, so they do not get any benefit from it for irrigation.Pramila Devi (45) says the pond has been of great use to them ever since it was restored. “We could cultivate paddy due to this pond.”The backward Koeri community occupying the village are mostly agrarian, with people owning two to four bighas of land.Crack on the pond wall (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)How it came aboutThe pond renovation came about after NITI Aayog proposed to different districts to work in different areas such as education, health, water bodies and livelihood."NITI Aayog had sent a proposal to many districts, including ours, to do some unique work. We chose to work in the area of water conservation," Aszadullah, project coordinator, District Mineral Foundation Trust, Giridih, tells 101Reporters. Similarly, Bokaro, Garhwa and Palamu districts chose to work on its water bodies."As per the NITI Aayog proposal, we had to implement 67 modules [a water conservation unit] on old ponds in the district to increase their holding capacity. With the implementation of one module, 10,000 cubic meters of water can be stored in ponds. In some cases, we implemented two modules in one pond and three modules in different blocks. In all, 57 ponds were renovated, of which 52 were in 2023 and five in 2024,” notes Aszadullah.After this work, the water bodies in the district could store 67 crore litres of rainwater, benefiting 1,17,625 people, he adds.Under the Birsa Harit Gram Yojana, fruit-bearing and other types of trees were planted around the 52 water bodies that were part of the first phase. The responsibility of these ponds lies with the village pani panchayat samiti, which has a president, a secretary and members. Pani panchayats were formed in Jharkhand following a notification from the state agriculture department in 2011.Generally, one module was adopted in ponds of one to three acres size, while two modules were adopted in ponds above that size. Giridih district received a budget of Rs 2.10 crore from NITI Aayog for the work.Farm land in Govindatand village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Partnership modeNITI Aayog and the district administration took help from A.T.E. Chandra Foundation for implementing the Rejuvenation of Waterbodies in Aspirational Districts Programme. According to foundation representative Akshay Chauhan, the programme was initially run on six ponds in the country, which included those in Baran and Sirohi districts of Rajasthan, and Rajgarh and Chhatarpur districts of Madhya Pradesh. Last year, NITI Aayog decided to expand the programme, under which work started in four districts of Jharkhand.Rajeev Singh of Nav Bharat Jagriti Kendra, the local NGO partner of A.T.E. Chandra Foundation in Giridih, informs that the project details are available on the foundation’s Avni app. “We do MIS entry for this. We also ensure that the villagers understand the programme benefits, so as to motivate them to save ponds and generate employment options through them.”He adds that farmers are not only irrigating their grain crops using pond water, but also growing vegetables. Fish farming is another option.“Many villagers who came home during the COVID-19 lockdown did not migrate for work again. If there are options nearby, they would prefer to stay in the village itself," he notes, adding that this project’s impact on migration is not fully known yet.Singh says that they have managed to educate villagers on the benefits of silt. "Earlier, they considered pond silt as useless, but we explained to them that it is very fertile. The decomposed silt of one to two ft can be spread in the fields, but the soil after two ft is like morum, which is used for landfills or making roads."Once aware, farmers began to take away the silt lifted from ponds by spending Rs 100 per tractor load.Giridih Deputy Commissioner Naman Priyesh Lakra tells 101Reporters that Giridih is the largest rural district of Jharkhand, with 344 panchayats under it. “There is a direct involvement of villagers and pani panchayat in this project. However, due to limited budget, people have to bear the cost of transporting silt to their farmlands,” he says, adding that NGO Swaniti Initiative had a role in designing the programme.New ponds of Giridih (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Taking stock101Reporters took stock of the ponds renovated under the NITI Aayog scheme in different villages. Raja Aahar pond at Kenduagadha in Bengabad block of Giridih now serves the water needs of potato and wheat farmers during the rabi season.“The depth of the pond has increased from four ft to nine ft,” beams Vijay Kumar Verma (44), a Kenduagadha resident.Parvati Devi (70) notes how farmers could plant paddy using pond water. Gilo Mahato recalls how they had used pond water for irrigation in the 1980s, and how ponds fell to disuse after many years.However, farmer couple Raju Prasad Verma (38) and Hemanti Devi (35) complain that deepening of the pond has increased water facilities, but one of its banks is not sloped, due to which there is a risk of animals falling into the pond. “Our cow entered the pond to drink water, but it fell into it. It would have drowned, but we got timely help from 10 to 12 people who rescued it,” they add. “The pond does not dry up fully now, compared to the earlier times,” says Ramlal Hansda (47) of Kornatand in Berdonga panchayat of Giridih block.The pond in Palmo village, located four km from Kornadih, has also been repaired, and was seen brimming with water. A report from the Central Ground Water Board says that according to the 5th Minor Irrigation Census conducted by the Government of India, there are 3,547 ponds/tanks and 704 lift irrigation facilities in Giridih district. The main source of irrigation here is groundwater, which provides 62% of irrigation water, with surface water contributing the rest.In such a scenario, rejuvenation of over 3,500 ponds can increase the share of surface water for irrigation in the district, besides saving villages from the dangers of excessive groundwater exploitation.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - A villager on riding his cycle along the pond in Govindatand village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Shifting sands: can PESA save Jharkhand’s rivers from death knell?

PESA is not yet implemented in the state, but it holds the promise of environmental protection in future as gram sabhas are taking a stand against rampant sand mining from the rivers under their ambitRanchi, Jharkhand: Rohit Surin (35) does not need an expert opinion to assess the state of River Chhata that flows through his native Torpa town in the predominantly tribal Khunti district of Jharkhand. The river, once brimming with water, is now a pale shadow of its glorious self. “Illegal sand mining is going on in our area in the dark of the night. We have been protesting against it for a long time, and the gram sabha has strongly opposed it. We are continuously corresponding with the government officials to control mining,” Surin said exasperatedly.The block panchayat chief of Torpa, Surin added that uncontrolled sand mining was upsetting the environmental balance. “It is the sand that stops water in the river and helps maintain the water level. Removing sand lowers the water level,” he noted.Sand mining is one of the hotly debated topics in Jharkhand, especially during the monsoon months when sand mining from the state's rivers is banned from June 10 to October 15 as per the National Green Tribunal orders. Already there is a huge shortage of sand in the state, so mining ban aggravates the situation. There are two categories of sand ghats in Jharkhand. Category-1 ghats are managed by gram sabha, panchayat or panchayat samiti, as per the guidelines of the Jharkhand State Sand Mining Policy, 2017. The sand reserves of rivers and streams in areas coming under panchayats are exempted from mining lease and its control comes under panchayats.Sand stockyard in the village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters) The sand taken can be used only by people of that particular panchayat area for domestic work, community work, or under government schemes. The panchayats charge a nominal fee of Rs 100 for sand lifting. It is kept free from tax and royalty. The sand lifted under category-1 cannot be stored or transported to places outside that panchayat. Also, machines cannot be employed for extraction. The needs of the state's nearly 4,500 panchayats cannot be met from the total 235 category-1 ghats controlled by panchayats.  Category-2 sand ghats are commercial ghats and reserves managed by the state government through Jharkhand State Mineral Development Corporation Limited (JSMDC). They are allotted through JSMDC for a minimum period of five years. The number of category-2 sand ghats is almost double of category-1. However, only 23 of the total 444 such ghats are functional. In tribal areas coming under the provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), 1996, gram sabha approval is necessary to start sand mining. However, gram sabhas do not give approval in most cases. Secondly, there is difficulty in getting environmental and other clearances. A government reply in the State Assembly on July 31, 2024, stated that JSMDC has executed agreements with 148 mining developers and operators, of which only 35 have received environmental clearance from the State Level Environment Impact Assessment Authority.As many as 14 out of the total 24 districts and 2,027 out of the total 4,402 panchayats in the state are tribal areas falling under PESA. According to JSMDC sources, Khunti district faces the most problems due to not getting approval from the gram sabha citing environmental concerns. Acknowledging the concerns of gram sabhas, State Mines Director and JSMDC Managing Director Shashi Ranjan told 101Reporters that the PESA rules have not been framed in Jharkhand yet, hence gram sabhas are conducted in the same way in scheduled and non-scheduled areas. "When PESA rules are made, we will follow its provisions in scheduled areas,” he added.Balram, an expert in panchayati raj affairs, criticised the state government for its inability to frame PESA rules for the last 24 years. “If PESA guidelines are implemented in the state, panchayats and gram sabhas in at least the scheduled areas will become more empowered. They will be able to manage their resources better and stop illegal mining,” he hoped.On the complaint of water level going down in Torpa, JSMDC Ranchi sand mining section in-charge officer Karun Kumar Chandan told 101Reporters, "Sand is mined in accordance with the environmental permission from the Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change." In this regard, Surendra Kumar Dinkar, Executive Engineer, Public Health Engineering Department, Khunti district, told 101Reporters that since sand stores water, its mining should not happen in places from where the department gets water for supply in rural areas. Illegal sand mining in Damodar river (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The cost of illegal mining Illegal sand mining has been increasing in Jharkhand, which reflects on both the FIRs filed and environmental damage caused. A question-answer session during the monsoon session of the State Assembly this year noted that 1,189 vehicles were seized, 301 FIRs were registered and a fine of Rs 256.62 lakh was collected in just a matter of three months (April to July) in the 2024-25 fiscal. The crime related to sand by year can be seen in the table given below. Financial year Number of vehicles FIR Fine (in lakh) 2019-20 2,237 448 172.75 2020-21 3,217 448 346.04 2021-22 2,608 441 417.62 2022-23 3,574 875 595.78 2023-24 3,459 1,048 565.60  A police station in-charge of Khunti district, on condition of anonymity, said that they faced lack of coordination in curbing illegal excavation and transportation of sand. “We depend on the mining department and its circle officer for further action in this matter, but many times we have to face indifference on their part. Moreover, Khunti was a Naxal-hit area in the past.” At present, Dormaa sand ghat covering 5.04 hectares in River Chhata in Torpa block is the only valid category-2 sand ghat in Khunti district. However, illegal mining is rampant in Bakaspur, Kauakhap (Karra block), Barkuli, Churgi, Diyakhel (all three in Torpa block) and Jarakhel (Rania block). This correspondent visited Kauakhap, situated amid the forest on the banks of River Karo, and saw heaps of sand and marks of tractor wheels at many places. According to sources in the Khunti Mining Department, Kauakhap is not a sand ghat. It is a forest area and raids are often conducted there.Action was taken against illegal trade and collection of sand in Bakaspur village, eight km from Kauakhap and falling in Karra block of Khunti district. This village is also situated on the Karo banks.Illegal trade and collection of sand in Bakaspur village, eight km from Kauakhap (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)"We take action under the Indian Forest Act in case of lifting of sand from the forest area and causing damage to the forest,” Khunti's District Forest Officer Dilip Yadav told 101Reporters, when asked about illegal mining. In 2023, 11 FIRs were registered in such cases in Khunti Forest Division. In 2024, five FIRs were registered till August 23. In Khunti district alone, 3.5 lakh CFT of sand was seized from April to August this year and a revenue of Rs 1.10 crore was collected from the auction of three lakh CFT of the seized sand. Anyone can participate in the auction of seized sand, but he has to sell that sand within a month. However, under the guise of invoices for the sand received from auction, the sand mafia tries to sell illegal sand as well.Sometimes, unwary residents are caught in the web of illegal sand mining, especially as there is an increasing trend of building pucca houses under Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana and Jharkhand government’s Abua Awas Yojana. Shivram Oraon (26) of Patratu Navatoli village of Kisco block of Lohardaga is one such person. On September 2, Senha Police seized his sand laden tractor at Medho near River Koel. “I was not aware of the sand lifting ban in monsoon months,” he said dejectedly. “I was not taking sand to sell it. I wanted to plaster my house being built under a government scheme,” he added.This correspondent saw the lifting and transportation of sand from rivers at many places during the ban period of August and September. The price of a tractor load of sand is Rs 2,000, but it doubles in the monsoon months.    There are 31 category-1 ghats in Lohardaga district, but they cannot meet the increasing needs of the rural population. Not a single category-2 ghat in the district is currently operational.   "We do not have a single commercial ghat in operation right now. There are 17 commercial ghats in our district, of which 13 have been auctioned recently. Sand mining will begin only after completing the environment clearance and other processes. We will soon auction the rest four ghats,” Rajaram Prasad, District Mining Officer, Lohardaga, told 101Reporters. Right now, Oraon is making rounds of Senha Police Station and Lohardaga District Mining Office to get his tractor released. He has no idea that a free sand distribution scheme was recently launched in the state to cater to the increasing construction demand and to stem illegal mining. Chief Minister Hemant Soren launched the free sand scheme for non-tax payers in the state from August 1 to December 31, 2024. For this, the user has to contact JSMDC, an identity card has to be created online and the reason for sand requirement should be explained. A user can get a maximum of 2,000 CFT or 20 tractors of sand.However, India Sand Watch founder Siddharth Aggarwal felt that common people may face technical problems due to the online process. "Before Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh had launched its free sand scheme. What is important is how such a scheme is designed and how it benefits not only the non-tax payers, but also the below poverty line population who get housing benefits from the Central and state governments,” Aggarwal noted.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Karo River at Bakaspur Village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Municipal expansion far away, but Santal tribals still wary of change

Though the Dumka master plan did not take off due to protests against the move to bring villages under the city area, tribals still raise it in all venues possible in a bid to save their unique traditionDumka, Jharkhand: The fear of the uncertain is what the tribals of 39 villages around Dumka have been fighting for the last seven years. In July 2017, Jharkhand government issued a notification to include these villages and three census towns in the Dumka Municipal Council.The notification proposed two plans — ​​Dumka Master Plan Area that includes 39 surrounding villages and census towns of Rasikpur, Dudhani and Purana Dumka with the present Dumka city and the ​​Greater Dumka Planning Area with the inclusion of 93 villages. If the master plan is implemented, Dumka will become a category A city from its present category B. On the other hand, if the Greater Dumka plan is implemented, it will become a municipal corporation.Dumka town area in Sarua Panchayat, where there are markets, shops, car showrooms, but its status is Gram Panchayat (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Soon after the proposal, the villagers launched their protest against the merger. For the next one-and-a-half years, they staged demonstrations from time to time and expressed their opposition in many ways, which eventually stalled the expansion efforts.However, the tribals still see the stalled proposal as a threat to their tradition, culture and self-governance system. They are very sensitive about the issue and raise their voices against it in every possible way, like during a cultural programme or meeting.  Manjulata Soren (42), the elected representative (mukhiya) of Sarua panchayat, is relieved that the merger has not worked out yet. She hails from Jogidih village, which is just two km from Dumka city. "In 2017, we staged demonstrations in front of the deputy commissioner's office for almost six months. Women were the main participants as men have the responsibility to earn for their families,” said Manjulata.Bhim Prasad Mandal (60), president, Gram Pradhan Manjhi Sangathan Santal Pargana, an organisation of pradhans of six districts in Santal Pargana region, said that the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act, 1949, restricts the transfer of land belonging to the tribal community.The Act said that there are two types of land in Santal Pargana, the one that can be bought and sold and the other that cannot be bought or sold. However, even the second type of land is getting transferred to others these days. Residents are wary that other communities will have more access to their land if they become a part of the city."If our village joins the city, land transactions will increase. Houses will be built on the land on which tribal families survive by farming. When the demand increases, it could even be transferred to outsiders through gift deeds,” Mantu Marandi (45) of Sarua village told 101Reporters.Women of Jogidih village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Keeping tradition close to heart  Dumka is the divisional headquarters of the Santal Pargana region of Jharkhand. Santal tribals form a majority of the population here. The tribe has its own self-governance system in place, namely manjhi pargana and pradhani shashan.The head of a Santal tribal village is called manjhi. Being a hereditary system, people from the same family are chosen as heads. Generally, men are the chiefs and in case of their death, their son or wife is elected as chief. Many times, women become leaders when a conflict over occupying the position crops up among the male members of the family or if the son has migrated for work.Sarua village pradhan (under the tribal self governance system) Sushila Hembram (38) took up that position in 2016, following the death of her husband Sanatan Baski. “For family division of land, we do not go through the legal procedure that non-tribals follow. In our families, we divide the land by holding a meeting in the village itself. It is done peacefully with mutual consent.”Sarua Panchayat Bhavan (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)In the meetings chaired by pradhan, land distribution, fights, family disputes and disputes between husbands and wives are resolved. Only in exceptional cases, a complaint reaches the police station or court.“Even while building a house, we do not have to get the plan approved by the authorities. We do not pay holding tax now. Had we been part of the city, this could have been an additional burden on our village,” Hembram detailed. She added that their religious places marang buru and jaher than and folk festivals Baha and Sohrai will also be affected if their village joined the city.“If there is a wedding or any function at someone's house, villagers help that family with an interest-free loan. This is a big relief to poor families,” Manjulata said.“To protect the interest of the tribals and their culture, it is necessary to maintain the traditional self-governance system. For this, it is necessary that the village should be allowed to remain a village,” said Pradeep Kumar Murmu (46), the younger son of Sabina Tudu, the pradhan of Jogidih and Karamdih villages in Sarua panchayat.Apart from pradhan, there are posts of paranik, nayaki, godet, jaga majhi and kudam nayaki, with different tasks assigned to them. Paraniks are the most powerful officials after pradhan. They act as arbitrators to resolve small disputes and quarrels in the Santal society.Nayakis are the priests of the Santal tribe, whose job is to conduct pujas and other religious rituals during sacred events at their places of worship. Godet conveys information and informs people to gather at one place for any event. Jaga majhi conducts the wedding rituals, while kudum nayaki conducts the shraddha rituals in case of a sacrifice or the death of someone in the society. Pradhan gets an honorarium of Rs 2,000 per month from the government, while other officials are given an honorarium of Rs 1,000. These six persons are responsible for the conduct of the village's traditions and other functions.Since 2008, pradhans have been getting Rs 1,000, which the state government increased to Rs 2,000 from January 1, 2019. Bhim Prasad believes that this is the result of their protest. “There are about 2,200 village heads and about 8,000 other officials in Dumka district and all of them get paid by the government in their bank accounts. There are 6,987 gram pradhans in six districts of Santal Pargana division. Our efforts are continuing to ensure that self-governance system office-bearers of other five districts also get paid,” said Mandal, who himself is the head of Malbhandaro village in Dumka block.This traditional governance system extends to non-santals and non-tribals, too. According to Mandal, in the pradhani self-governance system prevalent in Santal Pargana, 70% of the office-bearers are Santal tribals, while other tribal communities of Pahadias and Kols and people from non-tribal and Muslim communities also hold these posts.Jone Soren, who works as a master trainer of panchayati raj system with government agencies and various voluntary organisations in Dumka, said many laws will become ineffective or less effective if villages are included in the city. Tribal areas have the status of Scheduled Areas and come under the purview of the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, which will end in such a case.He added that the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act will become less effective as the city expands and the transfer and acquisition of land increases. “Self-governance system is a community-based system. If  it ends, the community and identity of the village will be gone. The nature of land will change and the tribal community’s places of worship will also be destroyed,” Jone warned.Sarua's pradhan Sushila Hembram (Photo sourced by Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Fear of losing welfare schemesMary Steela Soren (30) of Jogidih in Sarua panchayat is concerned about the welfare schemes. “We benefit from the Didi Bari scheme, under which we have to set up a vegetable garden on one to five decimals of land. For this, wages of Rs 255 is provided as per the working days under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act [MGNREGA] scheme.”  Besides ensuring nutritious vegetables for the family’s use, the excess produce can also be sold in the market. According to Manjulata, about 100 women of her panchayat benefit from the scheme.  The Jharkhand government is working to provide permanent houses to the rural population deprived of the benefits of Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana. Under the Abua Housing Scheme, Rs 2 lakh is given to build a house of 31 sq m (6.12 m by 5.07 m). “About 40 houses have been approved under the scheme in the panchayat. Their first instalment has been deposited into their accounts,” said panchayat secretary Nasir Mian. However, as far as MGNREGA is concerned, there is not much demand for work here. "Because of its proximity to the city, people's attraction towards MGNREGA is less here. Only Rs 255 is received as wages per day. The money for material often gets stuck. Work is also not available every day, whereas in the city, people can work for Rs 300 to 350 per day,” Manjulata detailed.According to the information received from Dumka Municipal Council, there is no ongoing exercise regarding the expansion of Dumka city at the government level. City council sources said that it is true that inclusion of those villages in the city would impose a tax burden on them, but in return, the villagers would get many facilities. Executive Officer of Dumka Municipal Council Shitanshu Xalxo did not comment on the fate of the notification. Dumka's Welfare Officer Bijan Oraon told 101Reporters that the Welfare Department pays for the fencing of the Santal places of worship. They also contribute for repairs. “It is difficult to construct such sites in urban areas because land will not be easily available,” he agreed.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - The women of Jogidih are against the village merging with the city (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Left out of coal workforce, risky illegal mining is the only option before them

Not much effort has been made by the CCL or DMFT to reskill coal workers for other jobs. Despite the Ministry of Coal reiterating its position to open some closed mines, nothing has materialised so farBokaro, Jharkhand: Pichri coal mine in Dhori mining area of ​​Bokaro has remained closed for many decades. Now an uninhabited forested area, the mine has become a deep pool where people from surrounding areas catch fish.At the site, three women were seen coming out of the bushes with baskets of coal dust. One of them responded to the queries saying they were residents of neighbouring Jamtand Colony. “We use this [coal dust] for household work,” she said uneasily. “We do this work only to meet our domestic needs, and not for livelihood,” she clarified repeatedly.A dilapidated housing quarter of the Central Coalfields Limited (CCL) is in the vicinity. Showing the area, Shravan Singh (40), a daily wage coal loader, said, “Our family also lived here, but moved out to the nearby Pichri Bangla Basti after the mine closed. The next generation of the then permanent coal workers are now unorganised coal labourers.” Unlike the previous generation, Shravan does not get loading work every day. “I do not have a permanent job, I somehow live by working as a house maid," lamented Muniya Devi (45), another resident. Siyaram Singh (52) of the same locality said the coal mine stopped operations in 1976, and they were settled in the present accommodation in 1983. Some families were settled in Tungri Kulhi, Jamtand and Rohaniadih also.Most of the coal mines of Bokaro have such settlements where residents have no option but to look up at unorganised and uncertain employment in the coal mining industry for their livelihood. This pushes many into unsafe and illegal mining, which poses a risk of accident and death. Such incidents are particularly high in Bokaro and Dhanbad districts as they are old mining areas where a large number of mines are no longer mined.The situation at Angwali — about 14 km from Pichri and also falling under Dhori mining area — is no different. "The conflict and battle for supremacy among the local leaders stopped mining here," informed Lalan Soni, a villager. In 1972, CCL acquired 210 acres at Angwali North Panchayat in Petarwar block of Bokaro district. When the mine was running, about 400 people got direct [there was no contract job then] employment. When it stopped operations in the 1980s, workers were sent to Kalyani and Amlo projects.Shravan Singh, living in Pichri Bangla Basti, works in coal loading (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Who is responsible?Kashinath Kewat, general secretary, Visthaapit Sangharsh Samanvay Samiti, which is active in the Bokaro coal mining area, told 101Reporters that Pipradih, Jhirki and many other mines in Bermo  and East Bokaro coalfields have been closed."First the land of the local farmers were acquired for mining, due to which they became dependent on the coal industry. When the mines closed down, it led to a bigger crisis," he said. Many have switched to illegal mining, making themselves vulnerable to action from police and the patrolling party of the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF).“Illegal mining from closed mines is risky. If they are operated again, such risks can be prevented,” hoped Damodar Mishra, a resident of Angwali. Kewat also claimed they have recommended the reopening of closed mines to the CCL to ensure safe and scientific mining. "It should be done more so to protect the interest of local communities than the permanent workers as their entire livelihood has been snatched away," said Coalfield Mazdoor Union general secretary Raghavan Raghunandan.However, in response to a question about illegal mining, Coal Minister Prahlad Joshi told Parliament that it is a law and order issue, which is a state subject. The reply said it was primarily the responsibility of the state government and district administration to take action.Bokaro District Mining Officer Ravi Kumar told 101Reporters that it was primarily the job of CCL to stop illegal mining because CCL is the custodian of such mines and mining areas. Also, it has the service of CISF at its disposal. “However, we [district administration] still take action from time to time,” he added.Meanwhile, a CCL official admitted that it was their duty to stop illegal and unsafe mining.A view of Pichri mine (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Self-employment optionThe CCL provides NGOs with corporate social responsibility funds to provide alternative employment to coal workers in some areas. However, people whom this reporter spoke to believed that income from self-help groups or other small employment options such as poultry units cannot be an alternative to the coal income. People are finding employment elsewhere, but the coal industry still seems to be a better and easier option for them.Bokaro is the third highest recipient of District Mineral Foundation Trust (DMFT) deposits after West Singhbhum and Dhanbad. According to a Parliament document, Bokaro district received Rs 83.8 crore under DMFT head in 2020-21 and Rs 139 crore in 2021-22. With the fund, water, power and road connectivity are ensured in mining affected areas, besides training coal workers for alternative employment.Under the Pradhan Mantri Khanij Kshetra Kalyan Yojana, at least 60% of the DMFT deposit has been allocated to high priority areas such as drinking water supply, healthcare, education, environmental preservation and pollution control, welfare of women, children, the aged and differently abled, skill development and sanitation.  However, Angwali North Panchayat mukhiya Dharmendra Kapardar told 101Reporters that no specific plan has been initiated for the development of coal areas. "The DMFT does some work, but it is insufficient. Jharkhand State Livelihood Promotion Society also holds training programmes for self-employment, but not very effectively,” Kapardar asserted, while reminding that local people needed employment. “Bokaro receives an average royalty of Rs 550 to 600 crore per year from mining, of which about 95% contribution comes from coal. Around Rs 150 to 180 crore is deposited annually with the DMFT,” said District Mining Officer Ravi Kumar. Will mines reopen?In May 2022, Minister Joshi said that the extractable reserve in closed/discontinued coal mines was approximately 380 million tonnes (MT), of which 30 to 40 MT could be easily extracted. He also shared a plan to offer 20 closed/discontinued underground mines to the private sector on a revenue sharing model. Before that, in a written reply to a question in the Lok Sabha on February 3, 2021, the minister said, “Coal India Limited and its subsidiaries have planned to open 22 new coal mines.” Of the eight such mines from Jharkhand mentioned in the reply, six belonged to CCL. The area of forest land to be used up for each mine was also mentioned. For example, 23.02 hectares of forest land was to be used for Pichri opencast mine.“Pichri is a very old mine... Forest land is only a small part of the total mining land. It is yet to be verified how much land has been acquired,” said Bokaro AITUC leader Lakhanlal Mahato. In a Gazette notification, the Ministry of Coal also mentioned acquisition of 53.02 hectares for Pichri mines under the Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition and Development) Act, 1957.However, three years since the government's response, no mining work has begun. The Central Mine Planning and Design Institute Limited refused to respond to a Right To Information application filed by this correspondent regarding the plan to extract coal from abandoned and discontinued mines.The locations of illegal mines (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Rehabilitation measures Minister Joshi told the Lok Sabha on December 13 last year that a total of 13,709.44 hectares (33876.76 acres) have been acquired for CCL coal mining areas of Kathara, Dhori and Bokaro-Kargali.  According to government figures, 1,043 families have been displaced/affected by coal mines. On whether the displaced families have been employed, the reply said 1,014 jobs have been provided since 1985. “Most of the hutment settled on GM [gair mazrua] land which tenant does not have any valid documents claiming their land [sic]. These villagers are demanding house compensation as well as land compensation,” the reply stated.According to Coal India Limited (CIL) policy, there is a provision to provide one job per two acres of acquired land. Accordingly, over 16,000 jobs should have been created. However, the actual numbers are much lower. On this, Joshi's reply stated that disputes within the family regarding claim of employment, and employment claims by the affected persons beyond norms (means seeking employment without fulfilling all conditions) are among the obstacles. Coal companies have allowed small landowners to club their small portions of land to make two acres for employing one nominee.According to the data available till April 1, 2021, 284 CIL mines have been closed/abandoned/discontinued. Of them, 29 belong to CCL. The biggest problem in restarting mines is in getting land. The company arrives at a decision by checking the coal reserves available and assessing whether it will be profitable to mine the area.The Coal Ministry recently accepted that mine closure processes have historically been uncontrolled. As per the statement, 169 pre-2009 mines and 130 post-2009 mines are considered closed, abandoned and terminally closed. Of these, 68 mines built before 2009 have been marked for final closure. In 2009, for the first time, the Coal Ministry issued guidelines for closure of mines that are not in use. However, only planning has happened so far.  “Bermo coalfield-related projects took up large chunks of land over decades. About 6,000 acres were allotted for Damodar and Rail Diversion Project. Neither the project materialised nor the land was suitable for farmers anymore. Unusable mines and unused land should be diverted for farming and installation of solar panels,” said Mahato.The government's emphasis is on maximum coal exploitation as it believes that there cannot be growth without energy, and that coal is its main source of energy. Contrary to its just transition plan, India's coal production is increasing rapidly. This is why the country talks about phase down, not phase out. Read the first part of this story hereEdited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Women coming out of Pichri mine with baskets of coal dust they collected (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Social challenges pin down just transition efforts in Bokaro

Mine jobs depleting due to adoption of technology and machines, but workers yet to be reskilled for alternative jobs at the panchayat levelBokaro, Jharkhand: It is evening and coal stoves have been lit in front of the houses of Karo Basti in Jharkhand’s Bokaro district to prepare dinner. Slowly, the narrow lanes get shrouded in a veil of smoke on that cold December dusk.   Surendra Ganjhu (60) and his wife Sukri Devi (55) are still outside, sitting dejectedly at the doorstep with their grandchildren. Surendra said his son Binod Kumar Ganjhu (29) had gone to Bengaluru to find work at the beginning of sawan (July 2023). He was found dead on the roadside soon after. “I do not know what happened,” he sighed.Binod was forced to shift because he was without work for around eight months when Karo Opencast Coal Project (OCP) shut operations. There was only one mine under the project, but difficulties in land acquisition for project expansion led to the mine closure. After Binod's death, his wife Sunita Ganjhu started working as a coal loader at Balidih. According to her mother Budhani Devi, she leaves home by 7 am and returns only late in the evening. “She is not only responsible for raising two children, but also looking after us elders,” said Surendra, who was into coal loading before advancing age and health issues stopped him from working. Sunita’s elder son aged eight is at school, while the younger aged three goes to anganwadi."I do not get work every day, but when I do, I manage to earn Rs 400 to Rs 500 a day... Even the widow pension [Rs 1,000] eludes me because I have to go to Bengaluru to get Binod's death certificate," she lamented.Apart from tribals and Scheduled Castes, Other Backward Classes and general category people live in Karo Basti, located barely four km from Bermo market. Coal mining has had a big impact on the village, with people's land acquired for it.  Incidentally, Bokaro is among the two districts selected in the country for the first phase implementation of a World Bank project that aims at helping India thoroughly plan its coal mine closures.(Above) Surendra Ganjhu & Sukri Devi with grand son (below) Bharat Ganjhu (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Depleting resourcesThe irony of the coal industry is that some select mines are producing much coal, while others produce either very less or nil. Extensive use of technology, machines and outsourcing have dented job availability. Mines are closing down due to several problems, including opposition to land acquisition by villagers, failure to get environmental clearance, overexploitation of the area, not having consent to operate from the state government and high production costs. Moreover, when the work gets more centralised, the employment prospects of people decrease.Karo OCP is among the top 75 coal mines in the country in terms of coal production in the 2023-24 fiscal. Nevertheless, Coal India Limited (CIL) data suggest that only 34.38% of the production capacity has been achieved until February 6 this fiscal, while registering a negative growth of 51.10% in production.  According to sources in the Central Coalfields Limited (CCL), a subsidiary of CIL, the maximum production capacity of Karo OCP is 3.5 million tonnes (MT). Efforts are on to expand operations by acquiring land and by getting forest clearance from the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change. Once done, the mine capacity can increase between 11 and 15 MT. However, despite its huge potential, employment and livelihood options remain bleak for the locals and the picture is not expected to change much even after its expansion.Bharat Ganjhu (61) of Karo Basti is a mason. “My father and relatives jointly owned three acres and 44 decimals, but it was lost to the coal project decades ago. So I want my sons to be employed in the coal mine. They go to Balidih to work as labourers now,” he said.“The Directorate General of Mines Safety has allowed blasting work once the households have vacated, but the mine management is at it even before that,” he alleged. To compound their misery, Karo Basti has been declared an urban area as it is close to Bermo town. “Groundwater has depleted due to mining, and our water needs are fulfilled by tankers that come once every eight days. Blasting causes cracks in houses. Apart from assurances and cases registered against us when we try to stop blasting or expansion of mining areas, we get nothing. Two to three cases have been registered against villagers for obstructing mine work," said Baban Rajak (53).Surendra was also charged with a similar case, but he still thought the coal mine was necessary to ensure employment.Coal Chullah used for cooking (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Operations slow downOnly 36 of the 68 CCL coal projects across the country are operational. Of the 13 coal mining areas under its control, three are in Bokaro district. Totally, CCL has 19 coal mining projects in these three areas.Of these 19 projects, 10 are open cast and eight underground. The remaining Sawang project is an opencast-underground mine. All underground mines are closed now, except Dhori-Khas mine. Many OCPs are also inoperative. Out of the five CCL coal washeries, Kathara, Sawang and Kargali washeries are in Bokaro district. Kathara and Sawang are still functional, but their capacities are very low. Wishing anonymity, a CCL official told 101Reporters that the maximum production capacity of all three mining areas in Bokaro put together was 16.3 MT. The annual production capacity of Bokaro-Kargali was 9 MT, Dhori 4.6 MT and Kathara 2.7 MT. In the 2022-23 fiscal, these three areas produced 8.2 MT of coal and achieved 90% of the production target.According to CCL sources, coal is produced as per the need and demand. The CCL's total production in 2022-23 was 76.087 MT, more than the target of 75.224 MT. Bokaro district contributed about 10.50% to the CCL’s total production. In the ongoing fiscal, the CCL’s production target is 84 MT.(Above)Karo Coal Mines is the largest coal mine of Bokaro district, it is among the top 74 coal mines of the country (below) Karo rehabilitation site (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Challenges in just transition  Last year’s Global Energy Monitor report stated that one direct employment in the coal sector generates four indirect jobs. There are currently 3,37,400 direct coal workers in India. By 2050, CIL, the largest employer in the coal industry in India, will lay off about 73,800 of its existing 3.08 lakh employees. China and India will be most affected by the decline in coal employment, and globally the figure will reach 100 workers per day by 2035.According to a study focused on Jharkhand by energy sector think tank Climate Trends, there are 2,83,737 coal jobs in the state, which is 38% of India's total jobs in this sector. The study conducted in Bokaro, Dhanbad, Ramgarh, Ranchi and Chatra districts said that in view of the needs of thermal power, coal production will increase in the near future, but to achieve the net zero target, there has to be a phase down in coal production.It said there was a lack of awareness at the ground level. Among the workers who participated in the study, 59% had no information about the mine closures. According to the study based on a sample survey of 6,000 workers, only 14% of people were aware of any plan of the government to reduce coal production in future. The level of awareness was even lower among the unorganised workers, which makes them more vulnerable to such shocks.AITUC leader and Joint Bipartite Committee for the Coal Industry member Lakhanlal Mahato told 101Reporters that around 40,000 permanent coal workers were present in Bermo coalfield until 25 years ago. “The numbers have come down to 10,000. As a labour organisation, we are not against transition, but we want it to be fair.”Amlo coal mines (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Steps takenIn a written response to a question in the Lok Sabha, Coal Minister Prahlad Joshi stated on July 20, 2022, that the Ministry of Coal has received proposals from World Bank and GIZ (a German Development Agency) for assistance in development of India-specific Mine Closure Framework based on Just Transition Principles for closed and abandoned coal mines.Subsequent to the approval of the Department of Economic Affairs to a grant-based technical assistance proposed in the World Bank’s Preliminary Project Report, phase one of the project began with the mapping of all closed and running mines, social survey, perception survey, and stakeholder consultations in Bokaro district, he added.Korea in Chhattisgarh has also been selected for phase one. Of the total 38 mines in these two districts, 18 are not operational.When contacted by 101Reporters, Bokaro Deputy Commissioner Kuldeep Chaudhary said he cannot comment on the World Bank plan, but spoke about the administration's efforts. "We are taking measures to empower the Panchayati Raj Institutions through various agencies. Every panchayat has its own different potential. We are assessing where agrarian, manufacturing, fisheries and alternative energy options are possible.”Quizzed about dwindling job prospects, a CCL official in Bokaro district told 101Reporters on condition of anonymity that resources and technology have increased in coal mining. “People with expertise in different jobs have been hired. Private agencies are roped in. All these have improved both the quantity and quality of the coal mined. The present workforce ratio of CCL and private agencies is around 40:60. If employment has decreased in CCL, agency employment has increased,” he justified. However, Mahato claimed they were no match. “The huge number of jobs lost could not be compensated by the outsourced jobs. The use of machines and technology have continuously reduced employment opportunities, despite the increase in production. Hence, it is necessary to reskill people. Employment possibilities should be explored in farming, alternative energy etc.,” he said.Undoubtedly, transition is a slow process and the flux will continue for long.Read the second part of this story hereEdited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Budhni Devi, woman from a family of coal workers (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Sun shines on Bihar renewable energy sector, but subsidy, new regulations needed to tap it better

Not many companies deal in solar mini-grids due to a lack of proper government support, which translates into high cost for consumers Motihari/Hajipur, Bihar: Umesh Kumar (37) runs a bakery and ice cream factory at Chakia town in East Champaran district, the northwestern part of Bihar. He employs four others as well. To run the factory, Umesh mainly depends on the electricity from the North Bihar Power Distribution Company Limited, a government discom. Bihar has done good work in the last decade in the field of grid electricity connection and supply. Yet, small business owners need an alternative and reliable energy source so that their work does not come to a halt in case of power disruptions. Umesh has been utilising solar power for almost two years now, after taking a connection from the mini-grid of Husk Power Systems (HPS) located at Chakia Bazaar. He purchases a prepaid recharge of Rs 2,500 every month. “Solar power has ended our dependence on diesel generators. Even if there is no electricity for five to 10 hours, our work does not stop. Grid electricity is supplied for roughly 20 hours and my monthly bill for that is between Rs 16,000 and 20,000,” he said.However, the high price of solar power from the mini-grid is a reason for concern. According to Umesh, it is twice as expensive as the government-supplied electricity, so the prices should be reduced a little. "After sunset, enough solar electricity is not available and power trips several times. We then have to talk to the customer care of Husk Power,” said Rajeshwar Singh (45), the chief worker at Umesh's factory. Tripping is mainly visible after sunset, when the stored electricity is supplied.Solar power has been beneficial to Kedar Kumar (48), who sells fish at Chakia market. His shop on the footpath does not have a grid electricity connection. He fulfils his power requirement lasting for a few hours through HPS by recharging Rs 375 every month.Husk's mini grid, based in Kia, has about 40 customers. The service engineer is Sonu Kumar Rai (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Quite expensiveHPS provides electricity to small businesses and micro, small and mini enterprises (MSMEs) through its solar mini-grid. It has tariff plans and validity similar to mobile phone plans. HPS assistant service engineer Sonu Kumar Rai told 101Reporters that a 50 Watt recharge costs Rs 375 and 100 Watt recharge Rs 675 per month. Using the HPS app, the customer can check the power use. The company also provides offers and coupons to attract customers. HPS mini-grids are mostly located on town outskirts, from where electricity is transmitted in the same manner as grid power. The company plans to increase its mini-grid fleet to 500 in the next three to four years to serve over 50,000 MSMEs, thus helping them in increasing income by at least 30%. The company has started an agro-processing hub for turmeric in Champaran and will take up such work in hundreds of locations, helping farmers sell packaged end products rather than raw materials.Besides Chakia, 101Reporters visited several farms using Husk Power's electricity at Lalganj town in Vaishali district. Roshan Kumar (21) started a readymade garment brand showroom in Lalganj this year. “Solar power from Husk Power's mini-grid is helpful in my business, but it is more expensive than grid electricity,” he said. Other consumers echoed his views. Due to good supply of grid electricity in Bihar and high prices of solar mini-grid power, it is only an alternative source, and not main source, for small businesses."Unlike the state grid, our mini-grid power is unsubsidised. So it is more accurate to say that grid power is artificially inexpensive. If we compete on a level playing field, we are more affordable and more reliable... We have developed and rolled out a technology roadmap that uses artificial intelligence to lower the electricity cost of consumers systematically," HPS Chief Executive Officer Manoj Sinha said in a written response to 101Reporters.He maintained that grid electricity purchase cost and distribution cost of discoms were higher. "Do not forget that discoms remain hugely loss-making entities. They do not have the funds to invest in improving their existing challenges, let alone transmission and distribution infrastructure. Solar mini-grids are already 100% sustainable as our portfolio of hundreds of mini-grids run profitably and our customer retention rate remains above 92% year-over-year. Consumers should add solar PV to their energy mix if they have the capital," he said."Although the average supply of electricity in Bihar has improved, the improvement in up time does not address the ongoing dissatisfaction of customers. For example, voltage drop and frequency fluctuation. Lows continue to be a major hindrance in operations and a threat to machinery, forcing most MSMEs to depend on diesel generators to operate their businesses reliably. Husk mini-grid solves these issues and significantly reduces diesel emissions," he added.Regarding troubleshooting, he claimed, "Can you imagine a day when a discom can resolve a customer's complaint in less than 120 minutes? Husk resolves a customer's complaint in less than 90 minutes on average."  Two discoms — North Bihar Power Distribution Company Limited and South Bihar Power Distribution Company Limited — function in Bihar. Tata Power is another player in the micro, mini-grid sector, but its contribution is miniscule. It entered the field by launching a 5kW biogas generation plant in Muzaffarpur district in December 2020. Efforts to contact the company via email proved futile.Greenpeace had worked with village panchayats on solar electrification projects in the past. “We successfully electrified Dharnai village in Jehanabad district. But we are not working in the renewable energy sector there right now,” Greenpeace campaign manager Avinash Chanchal told 101Reporters.(Above)Chakia beneficiary Rajeshwar Singh (below) Husk Power's mini grid is also being used for engineering workshops in Lalganj market of Vaishali district (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Energy policy and government actionAccording to Bihar’s Renewable Energy Policy, 2017, a decentralised solution such as a mini-grid will play an important role in providing electricity to all households. Local businesses, khadi and rural industries can benefit from it. It said a mini-grid of 500 MW capacity based on solar, biomass, wind and hybrid can be established and that the Bihar government will encourage investments by creating a favourable environment.A senior official of the Bihar Renewable Energy Development Agency told 101Reporters on condition of anonymity that private parties were encouraged to provide electricity through mini-grids in the early 2010s as Bihar's electricity system was not good then. Even now, some marshy lands and hilly areas do not either have electricity supply or it is not good. "The commercial rates quoted by private companies is not affordable to everyone, hence there should be a new regulation in this regard. Subsidised power is another good option," the official said. Bihar Electricity Regulation Commission had made regulations in 2010 and 2016 regarding supply of electricity through mini and micro-grids. "No new regulation has come up after 2016," he admitted.According to the September 2023 report of Central Electricity Authority, Bihar's installed renewable power capacity is 530.26 MW, whereas coal-based power generation capacity is 7,396.74 MW. In the 2017 policy, the state had set a target of achieving 3,433 MW of renewable energy capacity by 2022, which includes installed capacity of 2,969 MW of solar, 244 MW of biomass and bagasse, and 220 MW of small hydropower energy. When compared to the target of 2022, Bihar has up to September this year achieved only 15.43% renewable capacity.According to the Central Electricity Authority’s Report on Under-construction Renewable Energy Projects published in July, a 250 MW capacity grid-connected ground mounted solar power plant will be ready by next month in both Banka and Jamui districts. No other big solar project is in the works in Bihar. Bihar Industrial Investment Promotion Policy, 2016, talks about prioritising solar, biomass, hydel and other renewable energy projects and giving incentives. However, such proposals could not gain much momentum and the renewable energy sector did not develop.According to the Economic Survey of Bihar, 2022-23, agriculture and allied sectors accounted for a share of only 20% in the overall development, despite Bihar being an agrarian state. Solar energy has the potential to provide the much-needed fillip to agriculture. However, only HPS is the main player in the solar sector. It seems companies are less interested due to a lack of subsidy for mini-grid electricity. Additionally, Bihar government does not focus on solar much due to policy level issues. At present, its emphasis is on rooftop solar systems.The story was produced as part of the Renewable Energy workshop organised by the Earth Journalism Network in PatnaEdited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - A worker at the Husk Power Chakia Minigrid (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Mechanisation, shutting down of stone quarries push Pakur’s workers to the brink

People get work only once in two days, but the mining officer claims scientific mining and use of automatic stone crushers as the reasons for it   Pakur, Jharkhand: These days Gayna Murmu (28) gets work every second day only. He levels the stones loaded on trucks and tractors to earn Rs 200 to 300. Gayna and his wife Lukhi Tudu have seven children, and they find it difficult to survive due to low availability of work in the stone industry. They do not have agricultural lands to cultivate, which adds to the uncertainty.“Our ration card was in the name of my father Som Murmu. He died six months ago, after which we did not get ration supplies. The card is yet to be transferred to my name. It involves spending some money,” said Gayna, who lives in ​​Pipaljori village in Nabinagar panchayat in Malpahari area of Pakur district. Located in the northeast region of Jharkhand, Pakur has a tribal population of 42.1%. The state government controls the mining activities here as the stone excavation comes in the category of minor minerals.  Both Pakur and its neighbouring Sahibganj are important centres of stone mining and its business in eastern India. Most part of the Rajmahal hills, which is among the oldest mountain ranges of the country, falls under Sahibganj district and some areas fall under Pakur. The black stones quarried from Pakur are famous for their export quality. Large-scale stone quarrying happens in all its six blocks, but Malpahari has been one of the overexploited areas.Excessive mining has left huge pits similar to those seen in coal mines in some villages. Vector-borne diseases are common here. "People die suddenly. We were 12 brothers and sisters, now only four are alive," said a stone worker from Pipaljori village on condition of anonymity. “When a brother fell ill this year, we took him to Rampurhat in West Bengal. The doctor there told us to take him to Bardhaman, but by then he died,” the villager said.Gayna Murmu and his family from Malpahari area of Pakur (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Machines take away workdaysAccording to information received from the District Mining Department, Pakur received a revenue of Rs 117 crore from stone quarrying in 2022-23 and Rs 78 crore in 2021-22. District Mining Officer Pradeep Kumar Sah told 101Reporters that Pakur has around 80 active stone mining leases. There are about 100 to 125 crushers in operation against the earlier 400 to 500. Nabinagar panchayat head Manoj Kisku (26) told 101Reporters that the mines have been closing down over the last seven years. “People were staying here because of the mines. Ever since the COVID-19 lockdown, the loss of employment in stone mines and crushers has increased. That apart, the Enforcement Directorate is investigating  a stone mining scam, which has had an impact on the workdays."Kisku claimed 40% of the people, mostly tribals, have migrated from his panchayat. Talking about his village, he said 65 to 70% of the people in Pipaljori have been affected and 75% of the young boys have gone out to earn. “People have left for Kolkata, Bardhaman and Hyderabad. Also, contractors take labourers from this area for three months to do farming in other parts of West Bengal,” he added.Manoj Kisku, Nabinagar Panchayat head (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Pakur Labour Superintendent Ramesh Prasad Singh told 101Reporters that 50,000 unorganised sector workers were registered with the labour department in the district. Asked about women workers, he said the registration was not based on gender, so it was difficult to tell their percentage.“It may also be a little difficult to assess how many people work in the stone industry at present because it is not necessarily the same as its labour capacity. Even if a crusher has a licence with a labour capacity of 50 workers, it is possible that only 10 people work there,” he explained, while not divulging the exact number of workers who migrated from here.As on October 2, e-shram portal has 2,85,696 registered workers in Pakur. A maximum number of 1,84,622 work in the agricultural sector, followed by 32,079 in domestic and household work, 24,809 in the tobacco industry, 10,902 in construction sector and 6,015 in capital goods and manufacturing. There is no separate category for stone mining, which shows its workers are counted along with other sectors. The Pachhwara North Coal Mine in Pakur district supplies coal to the power plants of West Bengal. Coal mining provides less employment because it is centralised and mechanised, whereas stone mining takes place throughout the district and involves small and medium units.Asked about the decreasing employment prospects in stone mining units, Pakur District Mining Officer Pradeep Kumar Sah told 101Reporters that mining was done with automatic machines. “Now, even five to seven labourers can run a crusher, for which earlier 20 to 25 people were required." Migration of workers from Jharkhand is high, so the state government records their details. According to the labour department data, there are 12,482 registered migrant workers in Pakur district.As on October 3, Pakur district has 1,15,036 active workers under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) scheme, including 52,229 women. As many as 41,153 workers are from Scheduled Tribe category and 3,080 from Scheduled Caste category. However, the definition of active worker in MGNREGA has a very broad context, including any worker or his family member who has worked for a single day in the last three years.Pakur Deputy Development Commissioner Shahid Akhtar told 101Reporters that MGNREGA created employment in the district. “During rainy days, construction related schemes are operated, while pond/well works and similar activities are run at other times. However, this district is still heavily dependent on mining for revenue and employment,” he said.Pakur’s MGNREGA ombudsman Vinod Kumar Pramanik said there was a possibility of MGNERGA labourers going for work in stone crushers as the scheme guaranteed only 100 days of employment in a year.Stone crushing area at the mining site (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Mining laws bypassedA 2017 order from the state government banned mining on government land. Now, it is done only on rayati lands and the district magistrate or deputy commissioner has the authority to auction land measuring up to three hectares (7.41 acres) for stone mining.Asked about excessive mining in Malpahari, District Mining Officer Sah said, "Earlier, there was no pre-decided mining volume, maybe that is why you feel there has been excessive mining. However, after the Jharkhand Minor Mineral Concession (Amendment) Rules, 2014, scientific mining has been promoted. Now, only a fixed quantity can be mined from a particular place," he said. After 2010, the Jharkhand government has made rules from time to time and has tried to organise them. A forest department official related to this process in Pakur district said excessive and unscientific mining has taken place in Malpahari. “Rules and guidelines are not followed and no concrete action has been taken to enforce them. We have only limited rights in this process. The Jharkhand Pollution Control Board should actively intervene,” he said on condition of anonymity.On the question of compensation for the loss caused to the district due to excessive mining, Pakur Divisional Forest Officer Rajneesh Kumar told 101Reporters that plantation of 7.5 m width has to be done in the perimeter around the stone mining as per the rule. “Five to 10 times the number of trees cut for mining has to be planted or transplanted as per the requirement. A high power committee of Jharkhand High Court meets in this regard from time to time and its recommendations keep coming,” he said.“The stone mines in Pakur district are not on any forest land. Hence, we do not directly intervene there. However, there is a coal mine on the forest land and we intervene there and get the plantation done,” Kumar said.The forest department’s data suggest that 1,50, 718 saplings were planted on roadsides in Pakur district in the 2022-23 fiscal, while a target has been set at 2,90,350 saplings in the present one. However, due to insufficient rainfall, the work has been affected. Kisku, however, alleged that the plantation was just an eyewash as the mining companies do not check on the condition of the saplings once they are planted. Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Malpahadi stone mine in Pakur district (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

MGNREGA fund freeze puts Purulia’s workforce in a tight spot

Poverty and migration have increased in the district, after the Centre stopped funds citing corruption almost one-and-a-half years agoPurulia, West Bengal: ‘Soil cutting’ and ‘100 days of work’ are the two terms that villagers in West Bengal use to define labour under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). At present, they are more concerned about the 100 days, thanks to the dwindling person-days under the scheme."When we had 100 days of work, we could eat well. Expenses related to medicines and children’s education were also covered with that money," said Mamta Rajak (50), an MGNREGA worker from Raghudi village in Belma panchayat of Purulia block-2.  The work was simple but strenuous. Her husband Bhakti Rajak would cut the soil and she would move it to the required spot. However, for the last one-and-a-half years, they are without anything substantial. Asked what her husband does these days, she remarked, “What else other than grazing goats?”Mamta Rajak (50), an MGNREGA worker from Raghudi village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Majority of the people in Raghudi ward number two had been dependent on the MGNREGA in the past years. However, the Central government’s allocation has stopped due to a conflict with the West Bengal government over corruption in the MGNREGA. "I worked in MGNREGA, but did not get any money. Now I do not get work either," said Helu Pal (60), a labourer.In the face of unemployment, workers are migrating to other states. Those who have stayed back have been constantly searching for employment in nearby cities. Vishakha Pal (26) of the village said her husband has found work as a labourer in Purulia. People in Raghudi have agricultural lands in the range of three to 10 decimals only. Therefore, they cannot earn much through farming. That is the reason for their dependence on MGNREGA for almost 15 years.  "The Centre says the state government does not provide accounts of the MGNREGA money and there is corruption, but then what is our fault in this? They should catch those who misappropriated funds and lodge them in jail. Why have they stopped the money of the poor,” questioned Mukhtar Ansari (26) of Raghudi.Be it Central or state schemes, the entire wages are paid by the former. As for material cost, the Centre bears 75% and states the remaining portion. With the fund freeze in West Bengal, only work related to schemes run by the Central government is happening, that too only in a few districts.   Speaking to 101Reporters, Pradipta Biswas, MGNREGA Nodal Officer of Purulia, informed that 11 lakh MGNREGA labourers were present in the district. “Due to the stoppage of allocation from the Centre, payment of Rs 121 crore has been outstanding. Many types of activities, including work on barren land and pond construction, stand cancelled,” he informed.MNREGA work involving pond construction (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)A study by a fact-finding team in July last year assessed the ground situation in South 24 Parganas, Nadia and Purulia districts in the aftermath of fund freeze. “The district panchayat and rural development officer of Purulia highlighted that the average number of workers in the district in July 2021 was around 80,000-90,000, which has now dropped to 5,000 to 6,000... The administration is unable to carry out water restoration projects or to plant saplings,” said the fact-finding team's report.James Heranj, a team member and convener of Jharkhand NREGA Watch, told 101Reporters that the Centre used Section 27 of the MGNREGA Act to stop funds. “It is a wrong decision. If there are irregularities, the Centre should send its representative to investigate and take action against the guilty officials. Not paying wages to workers is an attack on their right to life,” he protested.Some of the team members met the Central officials of MGNREGA and Rural Development Ministry last June. Citing the clear response of the Central authorities, the report said they claimed the ministry repeatedly wrote to the state government in the last three years seeking action on identified issues, but the state’s response has been slow and unsatisfactory.  A case of overdependenceAccording to the September 24 data (2023-24) on the MGNREGA website, there are 11,33,189 registered workers in Purulia district, of which 5,25,597 are women. Of the total registered workers, 2,34,019 belong to Scheduled Caste (SC) category and 2,33,264 to Scheduled Tribe (ST) category. However, the number of active job cards is 3,33,745. There are 5,52,057 active workers, in which the number of women is 2,58,732. There are 1,07,945 SC, 1,18,949 ST and 3,25,163 other category workers.Active job card means at least one person from the family who has worked for a single day in the last three years or at least one day in the current financial year. Purulia block-2 has 16,926 active job cards and 25,018 workers, of which 12,582 are women. Of the total active workers here, there are 8,037 SC and 1,282 ST workers, and 15,699 other category workers.In Belma panchayat, there are 2,286 active job cards and 3,168 active workers. The number of active women workers is 1,740. Of the total active workers, there are 979 workers from SC category, 148 from ST category and 2,041 from other categories.According to the 2011 Census, the population of 13 out of 15 villages in Belma panchayat was 20,072. The literacy rate was 66.42%, which is much lower than West Bengal's literacy rate of 76.26%. There were 8,771 workers, of which 5,335 were registered as marginal workers, who get work for less than six months. Obviously, the MGNREGA workers fall in the category of marginal workers as they are guaranteed only 100 days of work. If we consider the 2011 Census as the basis, the panchayat has about 22% workers. These figures thus indicate the dependence of the residents on MGNREGA.Kaushik Chaudhary, who served as Belma panchayat secretary until last December, told 101Reporters that about 3,700 families were associated with the work during his service period, in which the number of active labourers was around 2,300.Former sarpanch Rajkumar Chakraborty told 101Reporters that migration from the panchayat has increased after the MNGREGA fund freeze. “People are going to Odisha, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi and neighbouring Jharkhand to earn money.” Belma panchayat chief Lokosani Rajak echoed his views. Glimpse of a lane in Raghudi village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Poverty on the riseAccording to the National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5), 26.84% of the population in Purulia district was multidimensionally poor during the 2019-21 period. Devjit Roy, Block Development Officer of Purulia block-2, told 101Reporters that MGNREGA is utilised only for Central schemes now. “Except for people aged below 18 years and above 60 years, 75% of the people were dependent on it. Besides leading to high poverty, the stopping of works has affected asset creation, like say ponds,” he said.An email sent to Purulia District Magistrate Dr Rajat Nanda on the functioning of MGNREGA scheme in the district did not elicit a reply.   According to Paschim Banga Khet Mazdoor Samity (PBKMS) state committee member Anuradha Talwar, MGNREGA had made a large section of women first-time wage earners. “Around 50 to 60% of labourers were women. The freezing of funds has increased their sufferings. Migration of men from the state has increased, but women are unable to leave. Both the livelihood crisis and the burden of family responsibilities have increased for them." The PBKMS has filed a petition before the Calcutta High Court on the issue. It stated that Rs 2,764.84 crore in wages were pending. It has demanded that the state government create a revolving fund of Rs 1,000 crore, so that in case of delay from the Centre or any complication in payments, the wages of MGNREGA workers can be paid from it.  Meanwhile, a newsreport said the West Bengal government was considering launching a scheme at its own level to provide 100 days employment. If the Trinamool Congress government does this before the Lok Sabha elections, it can also get political benefit from it. Of the 2,57,63,901 workers in West Bengal, 1,38,99,391 are active workers. In the current fiscal, 1,64,780 employment days were created in the state till September 24. South 24 Parganas and Purulia got the maximum number of employment days at 81,906 and 43,742, respectively. Murshidabad was at the third spot, where 18,620 employment days were created. However, there were many districts where not a single employment day was created. Notably, all these employment days were created under Central liability only.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Women of Raghudi village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

No work, PF or gratuity for tea workers of North Bengal as plantations close, managements flout rules

Tea garden managements refuse to deposit their share of workers' PF, deliberately make mistakes in their identification records to prevent them from claiming benefits Alipurduar, West Bengal: Visiting West Bengal’s lush tea gardens for the first time in the month of July was like a journey through the gates of heaven. Traversing through Alipurduar district of North Bengal, and several villages bordering Bhutan, this correspondent could not help but marvel at the scenic landscape: dozens of women plucking tender tea leaves against the backdrop of green expanse and pristine blue skies interspersed with dense clouds. Despite being an inseparable part of this panoramic setting, the lives of tea workers are far from ideal. One of the many problems plaguing them is the closure of plantations for long durations. Dilbahadur Sunwar (48), a permanent employee at the now-closed Lankapara Tea Garden, receives an unemployment allowance of Rs 1,500 per month from the labour department. He is among the fortunate few as the department is not bound by law to provide allowance to temporary workers, who usually comprise the bulk of the workforce.Dilbahadur Sunwar at Lankapara tea garden (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters) Paschim Banga Cha Majoor Samity leader Anuradha Talwar tells 101Reporters that some plantations reopen, but then some more shut down. Some labourers switch to other occupations in the area, while several others migrate.Unending cycle of poverty According to a survey conducted by the Tea Board of India, 2.39 lakh permanent tea workers and 94,000 temporary workers are present in North Bengal. In all, 449 tea gardens function in the organised sector in the state. If at least four persons are considered dependent on one tea worker, then 12 lakh people rely on tea gardens for their livelihood and housing. Calling this a conservative estimate, Uttar Bangal Chai Shramik Sangathan president Christian Kharia says at least 15 lakh people depend on tea gardens.Tutal Bedia (46), a worker from Dhekalapara Tea Estate in Alipurduar district, tells 101Reporters that the estate reopened five months ago after remaining shut for 22 years. He decided to pick stones from River Dimdima to make a living when the estate shut a few years after he joined in 1998.  According to a rough estimate, 80% of the workers employed in tea gardens are women. It is their job to pluck the leaves, while men are employed in tea factories. At present, tea workers get only Rs 232 per day as wages. The April 27 announcement to raise it to Rs 250 per day is yet to be implemented.Opposing a wage hike, some tea companies have filed a petition in the Calcutta High Court. Meanwhile, workers inform that plantation owners have reiterated that no decision to increase the wages was taken during the tripartite meeting attended by the management, the labour union and those representing the government.Dhekalapara tea factory (above) Dhekalapara tea garden (below) (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters) In a written reply to 101Reporters, the Tea Board of India says the Plantations Labour Act, 1951, provides for regulation of working conditions in tea gardens and welfare measures for workers. There are provisions to ensure that employers provide accommodation and medical facilities to workers, apart from allowing maternity benefits, educational facilities for children, drinking water, sanitation, and canteens and creches near tea gardens. The workers live in the residential quarters provided by the tea estate, but have no land rights despite living there for generations. These houses were built on lands provided by the government and not tea gardens. "In the early 19th century, the Britishers transported 1,836 Adivasis, including our ancestors, from Chota Nagpur area in present-day Jharkhand for building tea plantations here. These workers cut forests and made the area suitable for tea plantations, but they did not own a piece of land. Our kids who even manage to do BA or MA have to work in the tea garden because they will lose the house otherwise,” says Kharia.  He adds there are two types of land in the garden area — plantation and non-plantation. The tea plantation management should have rights over the plantation land only. To make this effective, the 1951 Act should be amended, he demands.  Missing benefits Sunwar narrates his ordeal in obtaining his rightful dues, including provident fund (PF) and gratuity. He received it in 2019, whereas the plant stopped operations in the first quarter of 2015. He got the amount after 29 organisations filed a case for clearance of dues. Many are still awaiting their dues.  "Before the Lankapara plantation stopped operations, at least 3,000 labourers worked there. I also was part of the workforce for 23 years. The management stopped making deposits in my PF accounts in 2010. What can I do with this unemployment benefit of Rs 1,500? People are migrating to Chennai, Delhi, Kerala and Bengaluru to work as domestic helps or for other menial jobs,” he frets.“Former workers in Lankapara say there is a PF scam in the tea garden, and it is done by middlemen and management together. The labour commissioner is also roped in by political parties in favour of tea estate owners,” he alleges. Ashok Pradhan (45), a senior staff member of Lankapara garden, now cultivates green tea in the estate by forming around 14 committees with 100 to 150 workers each. He explains how the PF scam works. "Different names are entered in different records. If my name is Ashok Pradhan, it is entered into the employment records as A Pradhan. Due to such issues, one-third of the workers here do not even get unemployment allowance," he says.The number of tea workers is very large and they are less educated. Mismatch in dates of birth/death also leads to 'technical issues', which prevents people from withdrawing PF and gratuity.“In our estate, at least 1,200 retired workers are yet to get their gratuities since 1998. Some of them have passed away," says Bhunu Gwala (59), who has been fighting for workers in his position as the Kalchini plantation president of Paschim Banga Cha Majoor Samity. Legally, the companies are required to settle gratuity payouts within three months of a worker being out of job. Tea workers' bags filled with tea leaves, along with umbrellas (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Following the Supreme Court (SC) intervention — a complaint on PF irregularities reached the SC in 2006 — the PF department has handed over a document with details up to November 18 last year of the workers of Alipurduar and Jalpaiguri districts to the workers or their representative organisations and the plantation managements.101Reporters managed to access this document with details of PF of 64,096 tea workers in 30 gardens. The document mentioned the month and year in which the PF contribution of a particular worker was not deposited with the department and for that, how much penalty was imposed on the plantation. Up until November 18 last year,  fines to be deducted from tea plantation managements came to Rs 12.71 crore.  Gwala alleges that the company management walks back on the promises made within courtrooms. “They also violated the orders of the Lok Adalat, which on December 10 last year, ordered the management to pay up to Rs 35,000 by this April to the labourers with outstanding gratuity.” Repeated attempts to get contact details of Lankapara estate management on the closure of plants, and the PF and gratuity issues proved futile. The manager at Kalchini, Ram Prakash Thakur, speaking 101Reporters said, "The owner of Kalchini Tea Estate changed nine months ago and the entire management of the tea estate has not yet come completely into their hands. After that, we will be able to take an initiative on the matter related to PF."Copy of the Lok Adalat Order (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Fight for rights Trade unions are the mainstay of tea garden workers in their fight for rights. Political parties also try to capitalise on the issue of PF scam.   Speaking to 101Reporters, SK Naushad Ali, Assistant Labour Commissioner of Alipurduar district, accepts the fact that tea plantation managements do not give gratuity. He also admits that the plantations are not depositing their PF share.  “When complaints come from a trade union, we hold tripartite talks, in which the plantation management, the trade union and we, the public servants, are involved and the matter is heard… The complaints related to PF are relayed to the PF department,” he says. A former deputy labour commissioner of Alipurduar district also acknowledges that plantation managements scam the PF and do not deposit their share of the fund. On the other hand, Anuradha Talwar alleges that both the labour and PF departments look after the interests of the plantation managements and do not act against them as strongly as they should. “In case of irregularities, if the plantation owner is arrested, he/she is released due to lack of a strong provision.”  “Tea workers cannot withdraw money directly from PF. When they go to the PF clerk, the brokers corner them and the bargaining begins. These middlemen can charge anywhere from 10 to 50% of the amount rightfully owed to the worker. If workers try to withdraw PF directly, they are harassed and shooed away on pretext of a mismatch with Aadhaar data or a mistake in the Universal Account Number,” she details. The labour department works under the state government and the PF department comes under the Central government. This also causes problems in coordination. According to Talwar, 29 organisations had filed a court case on behalf of around 26,000 labourers in Alipurduar and Jalpaiguri districts, and according to a rough estimate, PF money of Rs 350 to 400 crore are still pending.   Edited by Ananya SrivastavaCover Photo - Female laborers working in Jayveerpada Chai Bagan of Alipurduar District (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)