How Naugachhia's villagers, schoolchildren, and tree owners became the last line of defence for the Greater Adjutant

In Bihar’s Bhagalpur, a community-led effort, driven by schoolchildren, farmers and faith, has brought a near-extinct stork back from the brink.Bhagalpur, Bihar: Every morning, Mankhush Kumar walks to his government school in Khairpur Kadwa village through a gate flanked by a large peepal tree. The tree is never quiet. Greater Adjutants, enormous, prehistoric-looking birds that an expert once declared extinct in Bihar, have made it one of their most important nesting sites in the region. Mankhush, who is in seventh grade, has grown up watching them. "Our basa is right next to the school," he said. "If any bird falls, we tell the doctor, and he takes it for treatment."He said this the way another child might describe calling a plumber. It is utterly ordinary to him. That ordinariness, the fact that a twelve-year-old treats the rescue of an endangered species as routine, is perhaps the most quietly remarkable thing about Kadwa Diara.Community working towards improving the ecosystem (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)From 16 nests to 140It was not always this way. When ornithologist Arvind Mishra, a member of the IUCN Species Survival Commission and governing council member of the Bombay Natural History Society, first began working in this area in 2006, there were just 16 nests. Today, there are around 140. "This growth is due to increased awareness among local people, who do not allow hunting of this rare bird," he says.But the starting point of that story predates even Mishra's arrival. In 2003, at a bird conservation seminar in Bhagalpur, an expert stated that the Greater Adjutant had gone extinct in the region. A young man in the audience disagreed. Jaynandan Mandal, then a local resident and now a schoolteacher in Kahalgaon, had seen the bird himself. He said so, was taken seriously, and subsequently became the first person to identify a Greater Adjutant nest in the district. Without that moment of contradiction, the conservation effort that followed might never have begun.Recalling that moment in greater detail, Mandal said that when he intervened at the seminar, organisers from the Mandar Nature Club, including its president Professor TK Ghosh and secretary Sunil Agarwal, asked whether he had photographed the bird. "I told them I did not have a camera, who carries a camera while farming?" he said. He was then encouraged to help locate the bird and its nesting sites."In 2006, I first spotted a Greater Adjutant with two nests on a semal tree in Motichak village in the Sultanganj diara area," Mandal said. "I informed bird expert Arvind Mishra. The finding was widely reported in newspapers at the time and generated significant discussion."The account aligns with contemporaneous research. A survey led by Dr Sunil Chaudhary around the same period recorded sightings of around 25 Greater Adjutants but did not locate any nests, noting that efforts to find breeding sites would continue—supporting Mandal's claim that he was the first to identify a nest in the district.This area — roughly half a dozen villages across two panchayats, Kadwa Diara and Khairpur — has since been officially declared a Greater Adjutant Conservation and Breeding Zone by the Bihar government's Department of Environment, Forest and Climate Change. The birds build nests here during the breeding season from October to mid-April, then move to nearby wetlands, riverbanks, and grasslands in summer.The Greater Adjutant was classified as "Near Threatened" by the IUCN in its 2023 assessment, a step back from the more dire classifications of earlier years, with its population now estimated between 1,360 and 1,510 individuals. The species breeds only in India and Cambodia. In India, it is confined to Assam and Bihar. Bhagalpur is the only district in the country where all six resident stork species are found together, including both the endangered Greater and Lesser Adjutants.A survey recorded sightings of around 25 Greater Adjutants but did not locate any nests (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The community that guards themThe conservation effort here is not run by the government. It is run by people like Rajiv Kumar, 38, a resident of Kadwa village who has been designated a Garuda Saviour. He estimates around 600 birds currently in the region. Mishra puts the figure closer to 700. The count has been climbing, and the reason, both agree, is simple: the community stopped looking away.Bhagalpur's Divisional Forest Officer Ashutosh Raj describes a structure that has grown organically around that commitment. Thirty-two people have been trained as Garuda Saviours, 30 as Garuda Guardians, and 20 women as Garuda Sevikas. Jyoti Devi, one of the Sevikas, explains her role plainly: "If a Garuda is harmed in any way, we inform the doctor and the forest department and keep monitoring it. We have received training for this."Teacher Ashok Kumar Yadav, at the school by the peepal tree, puts it simply: "We neither harm them ourselves nor allow anyone else to do so."Mishra explained: "If conservation depends on financial incentives, it will collapse the moment funding stops…Instead, we helped the community understand why this bird matters to them."Interestingly, the Greater Adjutant, locally called Garuda, is in Hindu tradition the vehicle of Lord Vishnu. That association, Mishra said, did as much as any training programme.Naresh Singh, the mukhiya of Kadwa Diara panchayat, confirms that community ownership runs deep. "When many birds have become endangered and disappeared, our community takes initiative for conservation on its own. There is no conflict here. If anyone sees a Garuda or a stork in distress, they immediately inform the right people." He added, with evident pride: "People come from far away to see these birds because of our efforts. That is a matter of honour for our village."The last line of defence for the Greater Adjutant (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The honest trade-offsNot everyone has been untouched by the costs. In Ganganagar, in Khairpur panchayat, Bablu Bhagat, 58, has four or five Greater Adjutants nesting on a kadamba tree behind his house. He does not harm them. But his wife, Tetri Devi, 50, is candid about what that commitment costs. The mango tree beside the kadamba has been damaged by the birds' droppings and no longer bears fruit. "Even then, we support conservation," she said. "But we expect compensation and support from the government and forest department."Neither Tetri Devi nor Bablu Bhagat has received any compensation so far, and they have not formally applied for it. Their expectation reflects a broader sentiment among some residents that households hosting nesting birds should be supported, even if such demands have not been formally pursued.Pankaj Kumar Jaiswal, the head of Khairpur panchayat, acknowledged the role of the forest department in supporting the community with the help of aids such as nets for injured birds, veterinary care, teams dispatched on receiving information. But the system has gaps.Forest officials said that funding for conservation workers comes under the Integrated Development of Wildlife Habitats scheme, with 60 percent contribution from the Centre and 40 percent from the state. Delays in fund allocation can lead to delays in payments, though recent disbursements have been made.The threats that remainIn January 2026, six Greater Adjutants were found dead. Traces of poison were found in their bodies. Eight birds died across the year in total, including three juveniles. The source: fish poisoned in nearby water bodies, likely by people fishing illegally. The birds ate the fish. The birds died.Rajiv Kumar said that there are also threats such as inadequate nets, supplied sometimes as a formality rather than a functioning tool, that fail to protect fallen chicks.The other threat is the land itself. Nagina Rai, 65, who has been treating injured birds since joining conservation efforts in 2006, recorded 142 nests in 2024-25, slightly higher than the current count of around 140, a decline he links to two things: flooding on the Kosi River in 2025, which reduced suitable resting spots, and the steady loss of kadamba and semal trees.As families grow and divide, new household units need land. Fields and open areas where trees stand become building plots. It is one of the most structurally difficult problems facing conservation here, because no law and no amount of community goodwill can easily override a family's need for a home.At the same time, villagers say the birds have had subtle but noticeable ecological benefits. Several residents reported a decline in rat populations, which typically damage crops, and fewer snake sightings, reducing the risk of snakebites. While these changes do not translate into direct income gains, they contribute to a more stable local ecosystem.Across households, including among women managing homes around nesting trees, there is little organised opposition to conservation. Some individuals express inconvenience or private concerns, but the broader sentiment remains supportive — often reinforced by the belief that the Garuda is associated with Lord Vishnu, making its presence culturally significant rather than burdensome.But Greater Adjutants are now being sighted in Madhepura, Khagaria, and Katihar, districts where they were not recorded before. Professor DN Chaudhary of Tilka Manjhi Bhagalpur University, who has researched storks in the region, has tracked these sightings since 2022."Migration is a desirable outcome of conservation," he said. "It strengthens the species' survival. If a disease outbreak occurs in one area, populations elsewhere remain safe."Mishra agreed. These are mostly non-breeding birds moving in search of food, he said, a sign that the core population at Kadwa Diara has grown large enough to push outward.What the government is buildingThe DFO has outlined several forward-looking steps: tree plantation drives emphasising kadamba and semal, the Heritage Trees designation process, raised platforms around significant trees, and, most ambitiously, an attempt to bring the Kadwa Diara area under the Green Credit Programme, a Government of India initiative launched in 2023-24 aimed at rewarding communities for ecological stewardship.(This story is supported by the Promise of Commons Fellowship, focusing on the significance of Commons and its community stewardship.)Cover photo - A community-led effort, driven by schoolchildren, farmers and faith, has brought a near-extinct stork back from the brink (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

The roots of community-led conservation in this Bihar town

Through tree planting, awareness drives, and alternative livelihoods, residents attempt to protect biodiversity in NaugachhiaBhagalpur, Bihar: On the morning of September 13, 2025, schoolteacher Gyan Chandra Gyani rushed to Naugachhia railway station with two colleagues, Vashishtha Kumar Singh and Chandan Kumar, and about 20-25 local youths. A Pakad tree (Ficus virens) was being pruned to make space for a government programme.To most passersby, it was just a tree getting a trim. But to Gyani's group, it was a crisis: the tree held hundreds of Little Cormorant (Microcarbo niger) nests, and the pruning would destroy them. They pushed back against the security personnel deployed there. Later, Singh wrote a formal letter to Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw about the incident. The minister's office has not responded.In this corner of eastern Bihar, this tension between development and environment has become the new status quo.Residents working towards maintaining biodiversity (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Rich historyThe town’s name, Naugachhia, carries its own history. In rural Bihar, trees are still called gachh, and Naugachhia was once thick with them. It still is, in places. The region lies between the Ganga and Kosi rivers, its landscape broken up by wetlands, and what grows and moves through it is quietly remarkable: hundreds of bird species, including the rare Greater Adjutant and all six resident stork species found in India, share this territory with the Gangetic dolphin, the country's national aquatic animal. The 60-kilometre stretch of the Ganga between Sultanganj and Kahalgaon is India's only officially notified dolphin sanctuary. Kadamba (Neolamarckia cadamba), Banyan (Ficus benghalensis), and Arjun (Terminalia arjuna) trees grow in large numbers across the area. According to eBird, 312 bird species were recorded in Bhagalpur district in the past year alone.The ecosystem around the Kosi river (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The region is also home to wild cats, jungle hares, jackals, porcupines, and wild boars. Gyani noted these animals are frequently killed in night-time road accidents. The team has identified crossing points where warning boards are needed, but bureaucratic progress has been slower than their success at the railway station.Conservation is not without friction, however. Some of these animals, particularly nilgai and wild boars, have become a source of anxiety for farmers, who report crop damage in nearby areas such as Bihpur. The group behind the effortGyani and his colleagues work under the Ganga Prahari Nature Conservation Society (GPNCS), which operates with support from the Wildlife Institute of India. As part of the Namami Gange Mission, members work as "Ganga Praharis" — river guardians — focused on protecting birds, their natural habitats, and preventing hunting. The team is about a dozen strong. They distribute saplings, plant trees in public places, schools and private spaces, and run awareness programmes in schools explaining the importance of birds like storks and the broader web of biodiversity.Women are part of this work too. Lalita Singh, a resident of Naugachhia village, has been active as a Ganga Prahari since 2020–21. Her work involves mobilising women in the area for conservation awareness programmes and training sessions which run alongside tree-planting and anti-hunting efforts. "We mobilise women for conservation efforts, and about 10 women are actively involved," she said. The change, she adds, is visible even to outsiders: "When my relatives come to our house, they are surprised to see the diversity and number of birds here."The reasoning Gyani's team works with is precise. The Eurasian Coot, locally called Gulinda, feeds primarily on crabs. If crabs are overharvested, the bird loses its food source, reproduction declines, and numbers fall. The Asian Openbill feeds on snails found in rivers like the Kosi, Ganga, and Gandak. A decline in snail populations directly hits this bird's numbers. The chain is fragile, and fishing pressure is a significant part of it.Items are decorated with Bhagalpur's famous Manjusha art, adding to their value and appeal (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The Jalaj ProjectThis is where the Jalaj project enters. Working in Naugachhia, it trains river-dependent communities, especially fisherfolk, in alternative livelihoods, so that smaller streams beyond the Ganga and Kosi retain enough fish to feed the birds and prevent their migration. Chandan Kumar, who works as a Regional Field Assistant on the project, explains it plainly: "The theme of this project is to reduce people's dependence on rivers for their livelihood." He points out that overfishing, or catching fish and crabs during the breeding season, damages the ecosystem in ways that are hard to reverse.Under the project, bamboo craft work began five years ago, producing both decorative and everyday items. People are also trained in making jute products and operating small food processing units. These items are decorated with Bhagalpur's famous Manjusha art, adding to their value and appeal. To promote these products, the team regularly sets up stalls at river ghats, also encouraging people to use organic products instead of chemical-based soaps and goods.According to government claims, more than 5,000 river-dependent community members across 42 districts in nine states have been empowered under the Jalaj scheme, and 2,400 women have received support.Jyoti Devi, 39, from Pratapnagar village, Kadwa Diara panchayat in Naugachhia block, received training under the project about two and a half years ago, in soap-making, tailoring, and Manjusha art through the forest department. She knows how to make turmeric, neem, tulsi, gram flour, and black clay soaps, which she prepares on order and supplies to Jalaj project stalls. Around 20 women were trained alongside her, she says, though only about a quarter remain active. The training has been useful, she says, but what's missing is more reliable market linkages and regular orders. "If we get that," she said, "we will benefit much more." Santosh Kumar, from the same village, echoed this. He too has been trained in soap production under the project, but says he needs support at two levels: capital, and market connectivity. "Without these," he said, "this business cannot become sustainable."Santosh Kumar runs a coaching center and engages in farming for his livelihood.Bird expert Arvind Mishra, a renowned ornithologist and Governing Council member of BNHS, said that while the Jalaj project raises awareness and may benefit tourism, many protected areas, such as the Greater Adjutant's breeding site at Kadwa Diara, require minimal tourist movement to avoid disturbing natural habitats.A slow processDespite growing awareness, the problem of bird hunting has not disappeared. Gyani noted that "Baheliya" bird hunters who once set up tents and sold birds openly are no longer visible in the area, but the trade has shifted rather than stopped. Rather than direct confrontation, the team gathers information from local sources and alerts the police and forest department for action. "If hunters are driven away from one area, they often move 25 kilometres away to continue hunting," Mishra said. He also points to a gap in enforcement: while sellers of birds are penalised, buyers often go unpunished. A coordinated state-level policy, he argues, alongside continuous dialogue and seminars, is what conservation in this region actually needs.Government's responseBhagalpur Divisional Forest Officer (DFO) Ashutosh Raj told 101Reporters that Naugachhia is well-known for its biodiversity and birdlife, with 75 species recorded in the Asian Waterbird Census. Efforts are underway to get the Ghatora wetland near Bihpur–Sonbarsa recognised as a Ramsar site, with a baseline biodiversity survey completed and coordination with the district administration ongoing. Jagatpur lake has been identified as an OECM (Other Effective Area-based Conservation Measure). Two wetlands in the Naugachhia subdivision, Mohanpur Asia, connected to the Kosi river and owned by the Bihar government, and Jairampur Nankar, connected to the Ganga river are among 19 high-priority wetlands identified nationally, a report on Mohanpur Asia will be sent to the State Wetland Committee.At the community level, Biodiversity Management Committees have been formed at the block level across all blocks in the district under the State Biodiversity Board, with bank accounts opened. The DFO has also expressed interest in collaborating with the Vikramshila Gangetic Dolphin Sanctuary to open a souvenir shop where products made by the community can be sold. Schools also run programs to create awareness around birds and the biodiversity (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters) Long way aheadThe tree at Naugachhia station was saved that September morning, at least for the moment. Gyani's team continued: planting trees, running school programmes, patrolling for hunters, and trying to ensure that the birds which have returned to Naugachhia have reason to stay.As Lalita Singh puts it, the proof is in what visitors notice. Her relatives, arriving from elsewhere, are surprised by the birds. That surprise is itself a kind of progress.This story is supported by the Promise of Commons Fellowship, focusing on the significance of Commons and its community stewardship.Cover photo - Community working towards conserving the environment (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

The legal gaps in Jharkhand’s witch-hunting cases

From murder trials to refused FIRs, cases show how the justice system often fails before and after violenceRanchi, Jharkhand: It was dusk on September 17, 2025, when Lukhi Devi, 69, was killed in Guruburu village in Jharkhand’s Khunti district, hacked to death with an axe by a neighbour who believed she was a witch.Choron Munda, 30, had lived across the lane from her for years. His family and hers had a history of disputes, frequent arguments, verbal abuse and long-simmering hostility.Earlier that year, his two-month-old daughter died. The family blamed Lukhi Devi.“When someone dies suddenly in villages, people often believe that someone has done witchcraft,” said Saiko police station in-charge Prabhat Ranjan Pandey. “And when two families are in conflict, they say all kinds of things to each other…that someone will fall ill, that someone will die. When something like that actually happens, people start believing it was caused by a witch.”On the evening of the murder, Munda offered Lukhi Devi a ride back to the village on his scooter, along with her son-in-law, Maniram Munda. Near the village, he led them to a field, gave them alcohol, and then attacked her with an axe. Maniram was not harmed.According to Pandey, suspicion had deepened after the child’s death, alongside the ongoing disputes between the families.Police recovered the axe and a hoe used in the attack, along with blood-stained clothing. Munda was arrested the next day after confessing. A chargesheet has been filed and the trial is ongoing in a Khunti court. His bail application was rejected.The case has been registered under the Jharkhand Prevention of Witch Practices Act, in addition to murder. Under these provisions, the accused could face life imprisonment.When the law works and where it doesn’tIn Jharkhand, this is what a witch-hunting case looks like when the legal system works. Lukhi Devi’s case, however, is an exception, and even here, where the police acted swiftly, what followed remained uncertain. Her daughter, Birsi Devi, who filed the first information report, no longer lives in the village. Their house remains locked. A neighbour confirmed the killing but declined to say more. “No one lives there anymore,” she said.According to Pandey, such cases can also lead to attempts at monetary settlement, where the accused’s family offers compensation to the victim’s relatives to resolve the matter outside prolonged conflict. It is unclear whether Birsi Devi received any such settlement.Ranchi-based advocate Sunil Kumar Mahto said there is no legal provision for relief on the basis of private compensation in such cases. “A conviction typically results in imprisonment along with a fine imposed by the court. If the fine is not paid, an additional term of imprisonment may follow,” he said. Informal settlements can weaken the deterrent effect of the law by creating a parallel, extra-legal resolution mechanism.There are also formal compensation mechanisms, but these depend on the law being set in motion. Ajay Kumar of the Ranchi-based organisation ASHA said that under the Jharkhand State Legal Services Authority, dependents of a victim can receive Rs 1 lakh if an FIR has been filed. In cases of serious assault, compensation of Rs 50,000 is provided.But without an FIR, there is no compensation. Applications are routed through the District Legal Services Authority to JHALSA. More often than not, cases do not reach this stage.Advocate Kumar Anshuman said the problem often begins much earlier, in forms that the law struggles to capture. “Harassment of women often starts within the marital home, with verbal abuse. Over time, this expands to the village level,” he said. “In rural and backward areas, this kind of social labelling…calling someone a witch…becomes normalised, even though it falls outside formal legal categorisation until it escalates into violence.”Meet Savitri Munda from Ranchi, she married into a family under suspicion (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Simmering accusationsSome cases unfold over years and are marked by accusations, coercion, financial demands and the absence of any legal intervention.Take the case of Savitri Munda (36) of Kochbong village in Ranchi district, who married into a family already under suspicion.When she arrived in 2008, villagers accused her father-in-law, Dhirju Munda, of “keeping a ghost”, a spirit that killed others if it was not appeased.“Once, the villagers made an effigy of the ghost,” she said. “They forced my father-in-law to cremate it at Dasham Falls and had his head shaved. Then they warned him not to think about it again.”After her father-in-law died in 2011, the accusations shifted to her. Deaths in the village, whether due to illness or accidents, were attributed to her.In 2017, villagers asked her to arrange a ritual to rid the village of the supposed spirit. On the instructions of a woman exorcist, she spent around Rs 1.2 lakh on items including gold, silver, brass, goats, chickens and pigeons.The ritual was postponed multiple times as more deaths occurred in the village. It was never performed.Savitri said the postponements gave her time to resist the pressure and reconsider complying with the demands.She believes the accusations were also linked to land. Her family owns around 20 acres, which she said others in the village had their eyes on.In 2018, she and her husband approached Kharsidag police station to file a complaint, alleging harassment on accusations of witchcraft and coercion to organise the ritual.The officer on duty refused to file an FIR.“This is an internal village matter,” Savitri recalled being told. “If you want to live here, you have to adjust. Sit together and resolve it.”With no FIR registered, the harassment continued.Relief came only after Geeta Birua, the wife of the village head, connected her with ASHA, a Ranchi-based organisation working against witch-hunting.Poonam Toppo of ASHA counselled Savitri and helped build her confidence. Ajay Kumar also intervened by speaking to the woman exorcist who had demanded the ritual, telling her that such actions amounted to harassment and could not continue.Members of the organisation advised Savitri and her husband to document any further harassment on video. This, Savitri said, created a sense of fear among those targeting her, including the exorcist, and the harassment gradually reduced.Savitri Munda's mother in law, her husband was accused of “keeping a ghost” (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Law and its limitsJharkhand has had laws against witch-hunting since 2001, when it adopted the Bihar Prevention of Witch Practices Act.The law provides for up to three months’ imprisonment and a fine of Rs 1,000 for branding someone a witch. All offences are cognisable and non-bailable.Legal aid systems also exist. According to officials at the Jharkhand State Legal Services Authority, victims can approach District Legal Services Authorities for help. Para-legal volunteers are deployed across blocks, hospitals, police stations and panchayats to assist with filing complaints.If police refuse to register an FIR, victims can have their statements recorded before a magistrate.On paper, the system anticipates the gaps. In practice, accessing it is far more difficult.According to National Crime Records Bureau data, 74 cases of witch-hunting-related killings were recorded across India in 2023, of which 22 were in Jharkhand the highest among states.Yet these figures sit alongside widespread underreporting.In Khunti district, police data shows six such murder cases each in 2019 and 2020, eight in 2021, followed by a sharp decline: three in 2022, one in 2023, none in 2024, and one in 2025, the killing of Lukhi Devi.A glimpse of the Kharsidag police station (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Officials say this reflects both a drop in registered cases and some increase in awareness.Activists disagree.“In witch-hunting cases, complaints are usually not registered unless there is a major incident—murder or severe assault,” said Ajay Kumar, founder of ASHA. “Without early legal action, the perpetrators are emboldened. The victim continues to live in fear.”Data also shows how often police action requires escalation. In Jharkhand, hundreds of cases involving violence against women are registered each year on the orders of a magistrate, indicating that complaints are not always accepted at the first instance.Advocate Mahto said weak policing compounds the problem. “Superstition and illiteracy remain widespread, and the policing system is often ineffective,” he said. “Police tend to respond more readily to those with money or influence, which means many genuine cases of witch-hunting never come to light.”Police officers acknowledge that they often try to resolve such cases informally. One officer said attempts at compromise are common because the victim and the accused must continue living in the same village.Panchayats, too, play a limited role. Neeral Horo, village head of Kochbong, said his gram sabha holds monthly meetings where residents are told that witchcraft is a superstition.According to Kumar, local governance structures are often constrained by electoral considerations. “The groups making these accusations tend to be organised,” he said. “No one wants to antagonise them.”This story was produced for and originally published as part of the Crime and Punishment project in collaboration with Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy. Cover Photo - Representative image/ AI-generated using Canva

Women rise along Gujarat’s coast wherever mangroves take root

As women in coastal villages lead mangrove restoration, the effort is generating wages, strengthening local governance, and offering a community-driven response to climate change and industrial pressure.Bharuch, Gujarat: For Jaya Ben (40) of Suva village in Gujarat’s Bharuch district, life near the rapidly expanding industrial hub of Dahej comes with unease. Pollution from factories, shrinking agricultural opportunities, and rising salinity near the mouth of the Narmada River have steadily altered her environment and livelihood.“There is no farming left here,” she said. “The river meets the sea nearby, and the water has become saline. Only during the monsoon does fresh water flow.”Amid these changes, one development gives her some reassurance: mangrove plantations growing along the coast, about one-and-a-half to two kilometres from her village. Jaya Ben is not just a beneficiary of this effort; she is part of it. Like dozens of women in Suva, she works on planting mangrove saplings, maintaining them, and preparing nurseries.“Considering the sea waves and the pollution around us, this work is necessary,” she says. “Mangroves help protect the coast. If we plant trees, the air will also become cleaner to some extent.”Mangroves are among the most effective natural carbon sinks. According to the World Wildlife Fund, they store three to four times more carbon per acre than tropical forests. For coastal communities like Suva, however, their value is not abstract or global-it is closely tied to daily survival.Locals working in the field to grow mangrove plantations (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Women at the centre of restorationAround 40 to 50 women from Suva village (Vagra block, Bharuch district) are actively involved in mangrove restoration. Women such as Jaya Ben, Amrat Ben, Asha Ben, Meenakshi Ben, Rekha Ben, Sharda Ben, and Lipika Ben work collectively on plantation, gap-filling, nursery preparation, and protection of young saplings.“We planted these mangroves with hard work, and we do not let anyone harm them,” said Meenakshi Ben (50).Asha Ben (19) said the work opened new pathways. “We received training for plantation and were connected to self-help groups for savings and self-employment.”For Amrat Ben (55), the ecological changes are already visible. “The environment has improved,” she says. “Fish like hilsa, sold for around Rs 1,000 per kg, are found here again. People also catch crabs. This supports our livelihoods.”Women involved in the plantation are paid daily wages, not honoraria or incentives. In rural areas like Suva, women earn Rs 300 per day, while those working closer to urban areas receive Rs 400 per day. Plantation work runs from mid-December to the end of March, while nursery preparation takes place during the monsoon. Most women find employment for about six months a year, and wages are transferred directly into their bank accounts. Women and other workers are paid by the NGO or implementing agency that provides the work, with the funds coming from companies’ Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) allocations. This wage-based model ensures immediate income while tying livelihoods to long-term ecological stewardship.The mangrove plantation in Suva village began in 2018. Since then, about 90 hectares have been restored within the village (50 hectares in the first phase and 40 in the second), while total plantation across the surrounding region stands at 280 hectares.Trees planted during the first phase have grown substantially. The second phase is now in its third year, with gap-filling work underway - an essential process to replace saplings that did not survive earlier cycles.“The first three years are the most critical,” said Purshottam Sonagra, Lead–Natural Resource Development at Vikas-Centre for Development, the organisation facilitating the work. “Once mangroves reach around three years of age, they begin producing seeds. These fall naturally and regenerate new plants.”After this stage, mangrove forests largely sustain themselves, reducing dependence on external funding. The model follows a clear cycle: plantation in the first year, gap-filling in the second and third years, and protection until natural regeneration takes over.Mangrove restoration has an impact on the soil and water salinity levels (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Living with salinityMany villagers believe mangrove restoration has reduced soil and water salinity. Farmers said cotton plants now grow taller than before, and grass has begun growing in areas where it previously did not.However, there is no scientific or measured data yet confirming salinity reduction in Suva or neighbouring villages.“These are community observations,” Sonagra acknowledged. “After the plantation, grass started growing on coastal land where it hadn’t earlier. For the community, this is an indicator of reduced salinity…but scientifically, this still needs validation.”The distinction matters. While lived experience shapes local trust in restoration, experts caution against overstating environmental outcomes without empirical evidence.More importantly, mangrove restoration here is not driven by NGOs alone. Written consent from the gram panchayat is mandatory before work begins. Once approval is obtained, a Village Eco Development Committee is formed.The committee has 11 members: seven women from the village, two panchayat representatives, and two youth, who assist with documentationBudgeting and planning are carried out collectively, based on rates agreed upon by the committee. Panchayat representatives attend meetings from the planning stage through implementation. Deputy Sarpanch of Suva panchayat, Rajesh J Gohil, said the change is visible. “Earlier, mangrove plants were small. Now they have grown taller, and the green cover around the village has increased. This helps reduce erosion and slow the impact of sea storms.”Mangroves also strengthen biodiversity. “They create a favourable ecosystem for crabs,” Gohil explained. “Crabs make burrows and decompose leaf litter, releasing nutrients for mangroves and serving as food for birds and other animals.”A research study supports this observation, showing that crab populations increase rapidly with mangrove restoration, and that tree height and density improve as forests mature.After the plantation, grass started growing on coastal land where it hadn’t earlier (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Livelihoods beyond wagesWomen involved in the plantation are also linked to self-help groups (SHGs) known locally as Bachat Mandals. In Suva, these include Maa Shakti, Jasma Bachat Mandal, and Singnath Mahadev groups.Through SHGs, women access small loans and training for supplementary livelihoods, beekeeping, animal husbandry, and eco-tourism, among others.“Our objective is not just plantation,” Sonagra said. “It is to create income, ownership, and long-term stewardship.”According to Rajesh Shah, founder trustee of Vikas-Centre for Development, mangrove loss in Gujarat during the 1980s led to deepening poverty. “As mangroves declined, fish and crabs disappeared. Livelihoods collapsed,” he said.Since 1999, plantation efforts facilitated by community participation have covered nearly 5,000 hectares across Gujarat’s coastal districts, supported by CSR mandates, state climate programmes, and international funding.“One good thing,” Shah noted, “is that 80% of the funds go directly to local communities as wages.”Gujarat has India’s second-largest mangrove cover after West Bengal, accounting for over 23% of the country’s total. Yet it also has the longest coastline, and faces severe pressures from ports, dams, and industrial development.A 2006 state government study by senior forest officer HS Singh identified reduced freshwater flow and port expansion as key causes of mangrove degradation.Singh, now a member of the National Board for Wildlife, says community participation was essential to reversing the trend. “People were told mangroves offer dual benefits - income and improved fisheries. They could fish during high tide and plant during low tide.”Government data backs this up. According to the India State of Forest Report 2023, Gujarat’s mangrove cover increased by 253 sq km between 2001 and 2023, reaching 1,181 sq km.HS Singh said it was essential to take the community into confidence for mangrove plantation efforts. “I personally held meetings with communities in 66 villages in Jamnagar, explained the importance of mangroves, and mobilised them,” he said. According to Singh, involving local communities in such initiatives produces better outcomes.On June 5, 2023, the central government launched MISHTI (Mangrove Initiative for Shoreline Habitats & Tangible Incomes), a scheme aimed at restoring and rejuvenating mangroves across 540 square kilometres in nine coastal states and four Union Territories.Road ahead Mangrove expert and oceanographer Abhijit Mitra explained why restoration matters globally. “Mangroves are highly resilient. They absorb carbon, protect against erosion and storms, and serve as breeding grounds for fish and crabs.”But Gujarat’s mangroves face limitations, lower rainfall, higher salinity, and less muddy terrain compared to regions like the Sundarbans.A GIS-based analysis conducted in April 2025 found an overall plantation success rate of 57% in Bharuch district between 2000 and 2025. However, plantations from earlier phases show success rates exceeding 76%, indicating long-term viability.When asked what happens if funding stops, the answer lies not in budgets but biology and governance. Once mangroves mature, regeneration continues naturally. What remains critical is protection.“The real infrastructure,” said Sonagra, “is community ownership.”Panchayats already play a role through consent, monitoring, and participation - but experts say this can be strengthened further through targeted programmes and regular engagement.For women like Jaya Ben, the stakes are clear. “We may not stop the industries,” she said, “but we can protect what is left.”In Gujarat’s changing coastal landscape, mangrove restoration is not just an environmental project. It is a livelihood strategy, a climate buffer, and, above all, a community-led assertion of resilience. (This story is supported by the Promise of Commons Fellowship, focusing on the significance of Commons and its community stewardship.)Cover photo - As women in coastal villages lead mangrove restoration and strengthen local governance (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

In Charida, Chhau mask-makers are surviving by working nonstop

Despite recognition for the artform, livelihoods still depend on seasonal work, tourism and travel across states in this West Bengal village.Purulia, West Bengal: When Bimal Dutta (71) works with clay and paper, he does so slowly, deliberately. “If we want to preserve Chhau, we must preserve this art,” he said. “This is real paper-mâché work. Working with moulds is easy. Handwork needs effort and precision.”A resident of Charida village in the Baghmundi block of Purulia district of West Bengal, Dutta has been making Chhau masks for decades. His son, Parimal Dutta (39), works alongside him. Together, they represent a craft tradition that has shaped their village’s identity for generations.Charida is widely known as Mukhosh Gram, or the mask village. Almost every household here is connected to Chhau mask-making, an art that originated as part of the martial folk dance tradition of Chhau, performed in West Bengal, Jharkhand and Odisha. Over time, artisans in Charida expanded the craft far beyond performance masks, turning it into a livelihood that includes idols and decorative sculptures for festivals, homes and public spaces.Unlike many folk artists in India, Chhau mask-makers in Charida are not among the poorest. But their relative stability comes at a cost: relentless labour, seasonal migration and constant adaptation to market demand.The Dutta family works from their home, where orders arrive through much of the year. “We get orders for Durga Puja pandals, for idols, and for masks,” Parimal said. “Often, we don’t need to go outside because the work comes to us.”The small idols made by the family are sold at varying prices, depending on the intricacy of the work. As Parimal told 101Reporters, a Durga idol, one of the more elaborate pieces, costs Rs 12,000 and takes about a month and a half to complete. Most of their work is bulk-based, commissioned by organisers who design themes for Durga Puja pandals and contract artisans to create all the decorative figures apart from the main idol.“These organisers act like contractors,” Parimal told 101Reporters. “They give us the work, fix the deadline and pay us for the entire lot.”But not all artisans can rely only on local orders. For many in Charida, travelling outside West Bengal is essential to sustaining their income.Glimpse of Chhau masks in the making (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Migration as livelihood strategySeveral sculptors told this correspondent that income from outside work forms the larger share of their earnings, roughly 60%, compared to 40% from local sales.One of them is Bhim Sutradhar (49), a mask-maker who also crafts large idols across states. “We have been going outside for idol-making for 25 years,” he said. “More than 300 artists from this village travel for work.”Every year, about three months before Durga Puja, Sutradhar travels to Bahari in Madhya Pradesh’s Sidhi district. “That has been my base for many years,” he said. “I rent a small place there and expand when the work increases.”During the peak season, he rents a larger workspace to accommodate big idols. Once the idols are installed in pandals, he returns to Charida for Puja, leaving his tools and materials stored in a smaller rented room, for which he pays rent year-round.Even after expenses, Sutradhar said he is able to save over Rs 1 lakh during the three-month Puja season. The rest of the year, he supplements his earnings by travelling to exhibitions and fairs across India, often at the invitation of government bodies or cultural institutions. In his absence, his son Chand Sutradhar (18) manages the family’s shop in Charida.Artisans invited to government-sponsored fairs receive travel reimbursement and a daily allowance of about Rs 75, Bhim said, adding that while direct sales are limited, such events help artists secure future private orders.Migration, however, is rarely solitary. “Sometimes, one artist gets a contract and connects others,” Sutradhar said. Artisans from Charida regularly travel to Odisha, Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, building informal networks that keep work circulating within the village.Despite its rootedness in tradition, the Chhau craft economy operates through modern systems of contracts, deadlines and inter-state mobility.The locals represent a craft tradition that has shaped their village’s identity for generations (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)From dance masks to all-round craftOriginally, Charida’s artisans made only masks used in Chhau dance performances. Over time, demand reshaped the craft.Today, artisans produce idols of Hindu deities such as Durga, Shiva, Ganesha, Vishnu, Kartik, Hanuman and Narasimha, as well as representations of demons, tribal figures and Kathakali-inspired forms from South India.“Earlier, our work was limited to dance masks,” Sutradhar said. “Now, we make art for homes, hotels, exhibitions and museums. We make what people ask for.”He recalled a customer once bringing a wooden mummy mask from abroad. “We made a Chhau version of it,” he said. “Earlier, only dance masks and Kirat-Kiratini figures were part of the tradition. Now, every year, new forms are added.”According to Sutradhar, Purulia-style Chhau alone includes nearly 500 mask types, with new designs introduced annually as performances demand fresh characters and scenes from the Ramayana and Mahabharata.Decorative Chhau craft sculptures are generally made with seven layers of high-quality paper, while masks used for Chhau dance performances have eight to ten layers. Over time, Chhau masks have become larger, and without sufficient thickness, they lack strength and are prone to breaking.Lalu Roy (37), a sculptor who primarily makes Chhau masks, said, “We mainly make large masks, and there is demand for our work both in Purulia and in Saraikela, Jharkhand, though the demand is higher in Purulia.” He added, “The demand for Chhau masks peaks between Durga Puja and Chaitra Sankranti.”Almost every household in Charida is connected to Chhau mask-making, an art that originated as part of the martial folk dance tradition of Chhau (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Recognition helps, but unevenlyThe Chhau dance, which draws from both folk and martial traditions, was inscribed on UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2010. In 2022, Purulia Chhau Mask received the Geographical Indication (GI) tag – a name or sign identifying a product as originating from a specific location, possessing unique qualities, reputation, or characteristics due to that origin.Bhim told 101Reporters, “In 2004-05, our village had only about 10 shops selling Chhau masks. Now there are 130. Out of these, 31 shops have received GI tags since 2022, while 20 others have been approved and are awaiting certification.”“Locally, GI doesn’t matter much,” Sutradhar said. “Tourists here want cheaper products. But outside the state, GI helps. Buyers trust the authenticity and pay better.”“The GI tag gives us pride,” he added, “but unless there is regular training, marketing support and online selling facilities, young people will not stay in this work.”While recognition has raised Chhau’s profile, its economic impact is shaped largely by dance performances, tourism and inter-state work.Charida’s mask-makers are closely linked to Chhau dance troupes that perform across the country. Kartik Singh Munda, a Chhau dancer from the village, said troupes of around 35 members travel for 15 to 30 days at a time, with performers typically earning about Rs 1,000 per day, especially between January and June when demand is highest.Tourism also plays a crucial role in sustaining local sales. Charida lies close to Ayodhya Hills, one of Purulia’s major tourist attractions, and most visitors stop at the village to watch mask-making and buy souvenirs. “About 90% of our tourist sales come from people already visiting Ayodhya Hills,” an artisan said.To cater to this market, artisans have adapted their materials and designs. Traditionally, Chhau masks were made from clay and layers of paper bonded with natural glue. Today, many use cardboard and lighter materials. “For tourists, we make smaller masks so they’re easy to carry,” Sutradhar explained. “People want durability.”This shift is also tied to growing interest in Chhau performances beyond eastern India. “When we go to make idols in other states, we also help connect Chhau troupes with local organisers,” Sutradhar said.Even though the Government of West Bengal and central cultural agencies have taken some initiatives—such as providing stalls at fairs, small grants and awards—many artisans say the support remains inadequate. Dipali Dutta (39) said, “We hear about schemes, but only a few people get benefits. Many of us still have to buy our own materials, and the cost of paints and paper has gone up.”The West Bengal Khadi and Village Industries Board is yet to respond to 101Reporters on the welfare efforts taken for Chhau mask artists.At the same time, some institutional support has emerged through collaborations outside the state machinery. Prabir Banerjee, regional manager of Bangla Natak.com, which works with Chhau artists in West Bengal and Jharkhand, said a resource centre for Chhau mask-makers has been developed through a collaboration between UNESCO and the state government. He added that efforts have also been made to train artisans, link them to markets and promote their work on social media.For now, Charida continues adapting, travelling, innovating and negotiating markets far beyond the village. “We don’t want charity,” Sutradhar said. “Only steady work and respect. Chhau is our identity. We just want it to live on.”Cover photo - An artist making vibrant Chhau masks (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

“We prevent encroachment, damage to ponds because of our collective strength”

Udhwa's fisherfolk use community-driven, traditional methods to preserve their ecosystem, but need government cooperation to overcome external challenges.Udhwa, Jharkhand: In Jharkhand's Sahibganj district, with its unique geographical features, biodiversity thrives, particularly in its numerous water bodies.Data from the Sahibganj District Fisheries Office shows the district has 659 ponds, lakes, and other water bodies, covering about 516 hectares (1,274 acres), which are auctioned for fishing.Here, where the Ganges River meets the Rajmahal hills, fishers in Udhwa have built their lives around these water bodies, managing, protecting, and fishing through a cooperative system that has been in place for decades.At the heart of this community is the Udhwa Prakhand Matasyajivi Sahyog Samiti Limited, a 483-member cooperative that manages fishing resources. Unlike some cooperatives that hold formal elections, Udhwa often selects its president and secretary by consensus for a five-year term, later notifying the Fisheries Department.The cooperative leases 55 lakes and ponds from the government for three years. For instance, the lease cost Rs 2,24,300 for the 2024–27 term. This system  has sustained fisher livelihoods since at least 1995. While government oversight has grown over time, members see it more as support than interference.Once leased, the cooperative sub-leases the water bodies to members or small groups. Teams of four to six typically take one to three ponds annually, with larger lakes accommodating up to 25 fishers. Sub-lease rates vary by size and yield, with proceeds pooled to cover the main government lease.Fishers say the work is profitable. Atul Choudhary (60), who owns no farmland, earns his living with a six-member team from a pond sub-leased for Rs 11,000 a year.Most members are from the traditional Kevat community, but over 100 belong to Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe groups. "The Kevats are more in number because they’ve always done this work," said secretary Pappu Choudhary, "but the cooperative is open to all." They’ve also leased ponds to Adivasi families.Four women serve both as members and on the executive committee, a government-mandated step toward inclusive decision-making. While not involved in catching fish, women often buy and trade the catch in local markets.The cooperative enforces key rules: no fishing during the monsoon, when fishers instead stock ponds with hatchlings from government or private sources. Fishing resumes after the Chhath festival, with the peak season from February to March. Interestingly, there are no formal penalties for overfishing. Members say self-regulation comes naturally since their livelihoods depend on the resource, acting as its primary protectors.They also avoid dumping plastic in the water and prefer traditional, organic methods to clean ponds over chemical shortcuts for faster fish growth.Choudhary summed it up: “We prevent any kind of encroachment or activity of damaging the ponds because of our collective strength.”Chancer lake is the largest lake for fishermen in the area (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)No conflict On February 2, 2025, Udhwa Lake officially received its Ramsar site status, making it Jharkhand's first internationally recognised wetland. This area was already designated as a Bird Sanctuary, meaning the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 applies. The sanctuary encompasses two lakes, Pataura (155 hectares) and Barhale (410 hectares), totalling 565 hectares, within a broader 935.5-hectare Eco-Sensitive Zone. Despite this recognition, fishers confirm that 55 other lakes and ponds remain available to them outside the Ramsar site, alleviating potential conflicts over the bird sanctuary status.A picture of Udhwa Lake that officially received its Ramsar site status (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The sanctuary's core area is strictly off-limits to fishers to protect wildlife. Indrajeet Kumar Das, in charge of the Udhwa Bird Sanctuary, confirmed this restriction but noted that fishing activities outside the core zone are not regulated. Sahibganj Divisional Forest Officer (DFO) Prabal Garg, while supporting "sustainable fishing" and the Ramsar Convention's "Wise Use of Wetlands" concept—which balances ecology with community benefits—emphasised that entry into the sanctuary area is prohibited.The fishermen of Udhwa expressing their challenges (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)A lifeline under strainDespite their crucial role in managing these public resources, Udhwa's fishers face significant challenges, for which they urgently seek government and administrative support. A primary concern is the maintenance of the ponds.Choudhary lamented, "It would have been better if these ponds had been cleaned at the time we took them on lease." He stressed that fishers lack the resources for cleaning and believe the government should undertake this task. Water hyacinth is a particularly pressing issue; fisher Jitendra Choudhary (54) called it their "biggest problem," making navigation and fishing extremely difficult. However, both the District Fisheries Officer, Birendra Kumar Binha, and State Fisheries Director, HN Dwivedi, have stated that fishers, as the users, are responsible for pond cleaning, and no dedicated government funds exist for this. They even suggested fishers could produce organic fertilizer from the hyacinth. Choudhary also noted that Gidla pond has been dry for five years, yielding no benefit, and desperately needs excavation.He added that fishers often remove water hyacinth from ponds in summer but believes government support would make the process more efficient. He pointed out that leased pond owners naturally prioritise cleaning to boost their profits.The fishers also grapple with illegal activities. Unauthorized groups, often large in number, illegally fish in the ponds leased to the cooperative, causing significant financial losses despite the fishers paying the government for these rights. Choudhary also highlighted that farmers frequently divert water from lakes and ponds to their fields, which reduces water levels and adversely impacts fish populations. The fishers expect governmental protection against these issues. Dwivedi, affirmed that District Fisheries Officers are responsible for coordinating with the police and district administration to address these complaints, and fishers can also directly approach the police. "We've been engaged in fishing since our forefathers’ time, and we've been protectors of this public resource for generations," Choudhary emphasised, underscoring their historical stewardship.The District Fisheries Officer says that the department takes action based on complaints. Binha noted that more people are now joining to earn a living from these ponds and emphasised the department's efforts against harmful fishing practices, stating, "Using blasting or poison in water bodies causes significant damage, and even small nets are harmful. We've prohibited these." He highlighted the removal of concrete structures from ponds in the Rajmahal area as a departmental achievement.Fishers grapple with illegal activities (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Partnership with panchayatsCurrently, panchayats in Jharkhand have no clear, active role in managing or conserving natural water sources and fisheries. Dwivedi confirmed their lack of direct involvement, though they technically hold powers under the Jharkhand Panchayati Raj Act, 2001, for pond construction, repair, pollution control, and waterway management. Local panchayat officials and fisher representatives alike affirmed this limited engagement, stating that they primarily work with the Fisheries Department.To support fishers, the Sahibganj District Fisheries Office promotes schemes like the Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Yojana, based on the Pradhan Mantri Matsya Sampada Yojana. This provides 60% subsidies to SC/ST fish farmers and women, and 40% to others. Farmers with their own ponds can access Kisan Credit Card (KCC) loans for integrated fish farming, including practices like duck-cum-fish farming. Subsidies of up to 90% are also available for certain fishing nets. The department also offers three-day skill development training programs and accident insurance, providing ₹5 lakh compensation for death during fishing and Rs 2.5 lakh for disability.However, many traditional fishers, despite numbering around six thousand in the district, often do not benefit from these schemes. They operate traditionally and may not fit the criteria for “skilled businessmen” or possess the necessary “fisher cards” for scheme access.Water hyacinth at the Chancer lake (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Traditional wisdomFishers in Udhwa maintain valuable traditional practices for water treatment, such as adding cow dung, lime and poultry farm waste and mustard oil cake to ponds to clean the water and create a healthy environment for fish, notably avoiding chemicals. They do, however, mention adding some "vitamins" (likely nutritional supplements) to aid fish growth.Yet, significant changes have occurred. Older fishers observe that water hyacinths were far less abundant in their ancestors' time. Furthermore, the shift from traditional, biodegradable cotton nets to plastic nets poses an environmental threat. As Choudhary explained, old cotton nets would harmlessly decompose if left in water, unlike plastic nets which can trap and kill aquatic life. He recounted a proposal from Namami Gange to replace plastic nets, which unfortunately never materialized. The current state of water bodies also impacts their heritage; Choudhary sadly noted that the historical journey by boat from Udhwa Nala to Farakka in West Bengal, a vivid childhood memory, is now impossible due to encroachments and degradation.Way forwardIn Udhwa, fisherfolk embody the principle of co-existence, striving to harmonize their livelihoods with the area’s rich biodiversity and community wealth. Through their collective efforts to conserve vital community resources, such as lakes and ponds, they have created a thriving ecosystem that supports an impressive 140 species of birds and 30 species of aquatic life. The Asian Waterbird Census 2025 recorded 60 types of wetland birds in Udhwa. Notably, Purulia Lake in Rajmahal Block recorded the highest bird count at 14,442, followed by Barhale at 8,191 and Pataura at 1,840.Udhwa’s fishers are more than just users of a resource; they are a community with a deeply ingrained system of managing and sustaining it, acting as protectors of this public resource for generations. Their two primary demands remain clear: government-funded cleaning of water bodies—particularly the removal of water hyacinth—or financial grants to undertake the work themselves, and protection from illegal fishing and water diversion.Their self-sufficient cooperative model, built on consensus and traditional wisdom, stands as a testament to local resource management. However, increasing pressure from environmental degradation, encroachment, and a lack of direct, integrated governmental support strains their traditional methods, highlighting a critical need for collaborative solutions to protect both their livelihoods and these vital wetlands.(This story is supported by the Promise of Commons Fellowship, focusing on the significance of Commons and its community stewardship.)Cover Photo - A glimpse of unauthorised fishing (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Cost of power: How villages in Odisha are losing out to the state’s energy ambitions

As the state earns money from mining, farmlands turn to dust, and communities struggle to reclaim their rightsJharsuguda/Sambhalpur, Odisha: Every morning Dilip (35) and his wife, Godavari (32) scavenge their way through the loose earth of the defunct Talabira-1 coal mine in Odisha’s Khinda village of Sambalpur district, gathering stray lumps of coal to sell. This is their only source of livelihood. In the 2000s, Godavari’s parents gave up an acre of land for the mine. They received no compensation or employment. Today, Dilip and Godavari stay with her family in a small home at the edge of the mine, constantly dealing with tremors from frequent blasting and cracks in their walls. “We’ve received no benefits from the company,” she told 101Reporters. “Only damage.”Godavari and Dilip’s story is far from unique. Across the coal belts of Jharsuguda and Sambalpur districts, thousands of families — once landowners — now live as informal labourers in an expanding industrial zone. As the state pushes for higher domestic coal output and builds thermal plants closer to mines, these communities bear the brunt of a failed energy transition: lost land, unstable jobs, and polluted air.Pollution near Jharsuguda (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)On the brinkIn 2005, Manbodh Biswal’s (70) two acres of land in Khinda village were acquired for the Talabira-1 project with the promise of rehabilitation and direct or indirect employment. Two decades later, his son Hiteshwar Biswal, a mechanical engineering diploma holder, earns just Rs 12,000 a month in a job offered by the company operating the mine in the area. “The company doesn’t offer permanent jobs anymore,” Biswal said. “Everything is outsourced.”Many in Khinda, along with residents of four other revenue villages — Malda, Rampur and Patrapali in Jharsuguda and Talabira in Sambalpur — share similar frustrations.To understand the stories of these villages, one has to understand the history of the coal project. The Talabira coal project is owned by Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC), a Navratna public sector company. Since April 2020, mining operations have been handled by Talabira (Odisha) Mining Private Limited, a subsidiary of Adani Power, which was awarded the contract by NLC. The Talabira mining area spans two districts: Jharsuguda and Sambalpur. Of the 1,914.063 hectares of land acquired for the coal project, 1,034.136 hectares — or 54% — is forest land that has been officially diverted for mining by the Forest Department. A study by the Land Conflict Watch estimates that the project could affect as many as 1,894 families.Notably, last year, the Centre laid the foundation stone for the Talabira-3 Supercritical Thermal Power Plant, a 2,400 MW project (3 x 800 MW units) being developed by NLC India Limited (NLCIL). The plant will be fed directly by the nearby Talabira-2 and -3 coal blocks, which together hold an estimated 553 million tonnes of coal. By placing the power plant close to the mines, the government aims to cut coal transport costs and streamline supply.Closed coal mine at Talabira (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Ground zero“They dump waste into our river, kill our fish, and no one stops them,” Rashminandan Sahu (27) said while pointing at the Bheden River in Odisha’s Malda village of Jharsuguda district.The sky is often dark and ashy across the river and throughout Jharsuguda — home to an estimated 35 to 40 large industrial units. Along the Jharsuguda–Sambalpur highway, lined with dozens of factories, roads, trees, plants, and even water bodies, have a blackened hue. Driving along this stretch, the air hums with the sounds of power plants and sponge iron factories, while a steady stream of trucks continuously haul coal in and out of the nearby mines, a defining feature of the region.This is the ground zero of an energy system that is powering cities far away but is leaving its own people breathing dust, drinking polluted water and waiting in vain for rehabilitation and resettlement benefits. The villagers complain that over the years, the mining companies have changed their land.Take, for example, the region’s river ecosystem. In Malda village, the Bheden River now only carries waste from nearby factories, residents allege. They claim that companies like Bhushan Steel and SMC Power Generation Ltd release untreated effluents into the water. “We have complained to the district collector twice, but we have received no response,” Sahu added. The villagers said that in 2017, an ash pond near the Vedanta Aluminium plant in Katikela village of Jharsuguda district collapsed, spilling toxic fly ash into the Bheden. The river, which eventually drains into the Mahanadi, turned grey, and fish died in large numbers. In 2019, the National Green Tribunal appointed a court commissioner, PC Mishra, to investigate the incident. His report confirmed that 4.2 million metric tonnes of ash had spilt, damaging 65 acres of farmland and 50 acres of open land. Separately, every year, trees are chopped down without any environmental clearance. One estimate pegs the loss at over 40,000 trees for roads linked to Talabira’s coal operations. In Malda, Sahu said around 125 acres of forest have already been destroyed. “When we protest, we’re threatened with police action,” he said, adding that Adivasi families here are still waiting for recognition of their forest rights under the Forest Rights Act. But, instead of getting titles, they’re watching their land disappear.Sahu explained that the expansion of the Talabira-2 and -3 mines will erase Malda village entirely. “Other villages will lose parts, but ours will be gone,” he said. A glimpse of Malda village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Money trailJharsuguda may be a small district, but it sits on staggering mineral wealth. The Ib Valley Coalfield alone holds over 9,300 million tonnes of reserves. Mining activities here, particularly those by Mahanadi Coalfields Limited (MCL), a subsidiary of Coal India, span over 9,255 hectares of land.The Odisha government earns Rs 550-600 crore annually from coal mining in this district alone.By law, a portion of that wealth is meant to flow back to affected communities through the District Mineral Foundation. This fund is intended to support basic needs: clean water, education, environmental restoration, health care, and alternative livelihoods in places directly impacted by mining.Parliamentary records show that Jharsuguda received Rs 200.82 crore in 2022-23, of which Rs 137.47 crore was spent. In 2023-24, Rs 180.35 crore came in, but Rs 222.37 crore was spent, possibly using carry-forward funds. By February 2024-25, the district had received Rs 169.26 crore, but only Rs 59.84 crore had been spent.The region has 133 registered industrial units contributing to the fund. But despite the scale of this financial input, villagers like Sahu said they see little to no improvement in local infrastructure or services. “Our roads are broken, the air is black with dust, and we don’t have clean drinking water,” he said. Public hearing by civil society group in Malda (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Odisha’s climate burdenOdisha makes up just 3.5% of India’s population, but contributes nearly 10% of the country’s total greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. According to the Odisha GHG Emission Profile Report 2022–23 by iFOREST, the state’s emissions stood at 305.2 million metric tonnes in 2022–23 and are projected to rise to between 493 and 782 million tonnes by 2035–36.The state holds 24% of India’s coal, 50% of its iron ore, 73% of its bauxite, 54% of its aluminium smelting capacity, and 10% of India’s coal-based thermal power capacity. Power and steel plants account for 84% of the state’s total GHG emissions, with coal-based thermal power alone contributing 49%.Odisha’s per capita emissions now stand at 6.9 tonnes of CO2, more than twice the national average of 2.8 tonnes. And while the report doesn’t break down emissions by district, the intensity of mining and industrial activity in Jharsuguda makes it one of the likely epicentres of this climate cost.Moped for transporting coal (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Up in ashesSatyanarayan Rao, president of the Anchalika Parivesh Suraksha Sangh in Jharsuguda, alleged that there is a critical threat to the Mahanadi River—Odisha’s lifeline—and the Hirakud Dam, a Ramsar wetland site, from unchecked industrial waste dumping, often within the prohibited 500-meter river buffer zone. In 2024, he petitioned the Rajya Sabha Committee on Petitions, naming multiple polluting industries including Vedanta Aluminium, Aditya Birla, Odisha Power Generation Corporation in Banharpali and others, and accusing them of dumping waste on floodplains, forests, and farmland, devastating local forests and tribal lands.Following these complaints, the Odisha State Pollution Control Board (OSPCB) fined Vedanta Rs 71 crore for illegally dumping over 711,000 metric tonnes of fly ash across multiple districts. Vedanta has challenged the penalty in court, where the case remains pending.RN Prusty, Chief Environmental Engineer at the OPCB, acknowledged the challenges of monitoring pollution in the highly industrialised Jharsuguda-Sambalpur region, especially unauthorised dumping at night. “We regularly take action, issue directives, and impose fines. Since Durga Puja in October 2024, we have seen a decline in violations,” he said.Mining is a crucial pillar of Odisha’s economy (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)ChallengesMining is a crucial pillar of Odisha’s economy, ranking second after agriculture and forestry. According to the state’s 2023–24 Economic Survey, mining contributes around 9.4% to the Gross State Value Added (GSVA) and is growing at about 9%, significantly faster than the 3.5% growth rate of agriculture and forestry, which together account for 20.4% of GSVA. In response to the growing climate crisis and the need for sustainable development, the Odisha government has set ambitious renewable energy targets. The Odisha Renewable Energy Policy, announced in 2022, aims to install 10 gigawatts (GW) of renewable energy capacity by 2030, positioning the state as a leader in India’s energy transition. This policy also envisions the creation of green jobs and the promotion of just transition strategies to support communities impacted by the shift away from fossil fuels.Despite these plans, the reality in Jharsuguda remains challenging. As of April 2025, Jharsuguda has zero installed renewable energy capacity. The only renewable project planned is a 50 MW solar plant by Odisha Power Generation Corporation Limited.Additionally, while renewable energy projects are being approved, including a Rs 3,000 crore investment announced by the Indian Renewable Energy Development Agency (IREDA) in December 2024, fossil fuel investments dwarf these efforts. For example, the Talabira Thermal Power Project, a coal-fired plant in Odisha, alone requires an investment of Rs 27,000 crore.Cover Photo - Bheden River near Malda village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Giridih saves its village ponds with NITI Aayog's help

The largest rural district of Jharkhand with 344 panchayats, Giridih improves the water holding capacity of its ponds by removing siltGiridih, Jharkhand: Standing next to a pond in his village Govindatand in Jharkhand’s Giridih district, Dego Mahto (72) describes the vital role this water body plays in the lives of the residents. “During July-August, we fully used up the pond water twice. When it rained again, the pond filled up again," he says.Rich in forest resources and having mostly plateau terrain, Jharkhand receives about 1,200 mm of rainfall every year. Giridih district falling in North Chota Nagpur division receives an average of 1,189 mm of rainfall, with the month of July seeing a maximum of 307.7 mm of rainfall. However, the uncertainty of rainfall has increased in the last few years.Dego Mahto talking about the role this water body plays in the lives of the residents (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)During the monsoon months, cases of heavy rainfall on a single day and no rainfall for several days are increasing. Throughout the year, there is uncertainty over rainfall, and threat of excessive rainfall or drought. Moreover, plateau terrain makes surface runoff more pronounced.Ponds of Giridih had remained stagnant until last year, until a grant from NITI Aayog helped revive them. For the first time in about 25 years, the old pond of Govindatand was renovated.“Our committee ensured that the repair was successful. Water-holding capacity has increased following the removal of accumulated silt. However, the pond’s eastern end sees erosion. If a retaining wall is built around the pond, water loss and the resultant soil erosion can be stopped. The village has one more pond, so we are also seeking funds for renovating it,” says Govindatand pani panchayat samiti secretary Muralidhar Verma (52)."Silt was removed just before the onset of monsoon rains. Farmers used it as manure in their fields. They also built field embankments using it,” says Ramdev Verma (47), who notes that River Usri flows three km away from the village, so they do not get any benefit from it for irrigation.Pramila Devi (45) says the pond has been of great use to them ever since it was restored. “We could cultivate paddy due to this pond.”The backward Koeri community occupying the village are mostly agrarian, with people owning two to four bighas of land.Crack on the pond wall (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)How it came aboutThe pond renovation came about after NITI Aayog proposed to different districts to work in different areas such as education, health, water bodies and livelihood."NITI Aayog had sent a proposal to many districts, including ours, to do some unique work. We chose to work in the area of water conservation," Aszadullah, project coordinator, District Mineral Foundation Trust, Giridih, tells 101Reporters. Similarly, Bokaro, Garhwa and Palamu districts chose to work on its water bodies."As per the NITI Aayog proposal, we had to implement 67 modules [a water conservation unit] on old ponds in the district to increase their holding capacity. With the implementation of one module, 10,000 cubic meters of water can be stored in ponds. In some cases, we implemented two modules in one pond and three modules in different blocks. In all, 57 ponds were renovated, of which 52 were in 2023 and five in 2024,” notes Aszadullah.After this work, the water bodies in the district could store 67 crore litres of rainwater, benefiting 1,17,625 people, he adds.Under the Birsa Harit Gram Yojana, fruit-bearing and other types of trees were planted around the 52 water bodies that were part of the first phase. The responsibility of these ponds lies with the village pani panchayat samiti, which has a president, a secretary and members. Pani panchayats were formed in Jharkhand following a notification from the state agriculture department in 2011.Generally, one module was adopted in ponds of one to three acres size, while two modules were adopted in ponds above that size. Giridih district received a budget of Rs 2.10 crore from NITI Aayog for the work.Farm land in Govindatand village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Partnership modeNITI Aayog and the district administration took help from A.T.E. Chandra Foundation for implementing the Rejuvenation of Waterbodies in Aspirational Districts Programme. According to foundation representative Akshay Chauhan, the programme was initially run on six ponds in the country, which included those in Baran and Sirohi districts of Rajasthan, and Rajgarh and Chhatarpur districts of Madhya Pradesh. Last year, NITI Aayog decided to expand the programme, under which work started in four districts of Jharkhand.Rajeev Singh of Nav Bharat Jagriti Kendra, the local NGO partner of A.T.E. Chandra Foundation in Giridih, informs that the project details are available on the foundation’s Avni app. “We do MIS entry for this. We also ensure that the villagers understand the programme benefits, so as to motivate them to save ponds and generate employment options through them.”He adds that farmers are not only irrigating their grain crops using pond water, but also growing vegetables. Fish farming is another option.“Many villagers who came home during the COVID-19 lockdown did not migrate for work again. If there are options nearby, they would prefer to stay in the village itself," he notes, adding that this project’s impact on migration is not fully known yet.Singh says that they have managed to educate villagers on the benefits of silt. "Earlier, they considered pond silt as useless, but we explained to them that it is very fertile. The decomposed silt of one to two ft can be spread in the fields, but the soil after two ft is like morum, which is used for landfills or making roads."Once aware, farmers began to take away the silt lifted from ponds by spending Rs 100 per tractor load.Giridih Deputy Commissioner Naman Priyesh Lakra tells 101Reporters that Giridih is the largest rural district of Jharkhand, with 344 panchayats under it. “There is a direct involvement of villagers and pani panchayat in this project. However, due to limited budget, people have to bear the cost of transporting silt to their farmlands,” he says, adding that NGO Swaniti Initiative had a role in designing the programme.New ponds of Giridih (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Taking stock101Reporters took stock of the ponds renovated under the NITI Aayog scheme in different villages. Raja Aahar pond at Kenduagadha in Bengabad block of Giridih now serves the water needs of potato and wheat farmers during the rabi season.“The depth of the pond has increased from four ft to nine ft,” beams Vijay Kumar Verma (44), a Kenduagadha resident.Parvati Devi (70) notes how farmers could plant paddy using pond water. Gilo Mahato recalls how they had used pond water for irrigation in the 1980s, and how ponds fell to disuse after many years.However, farmer couple Raju Prasad Verma (38) and Hemanti Devi (35) complain that deepening of the pond has increased water facilities, but one of its banks is not sloped, due to which there is a risk of animals falling into the pond. “Our cow entered the pond to drink water, but it fell into it. It would have drowned, but we got timely help from 10 to 12 people who rescued it,” they add. “The pond does not dry up fully now, compared to the earlier times,” says Ramlal Hansda (47) of Kornatand in Berdonga panchayat of Giridih block.The pond in Palmo village, located four km from Kornadih, has also been repaired, and was seen brimming with water. A report from the Central Ground Water Board says that according to the 5th Minor Irrigation Census conducted by the Government of India, there are 3,547 ponds/tanks and 704 lift irrigation facilities in Giridih district. The main source of irrigation here is groundwater, which provides 62% of irrigation water, with surface water contributing the rest.In such a scenario, rejuvenation of over 3,500 ponds can increase the share of surface water for irrigation in the district, besides saving villages from the dangers of excessive groundwater exploitation.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - A villager on riding his cycle along the pond in Govindatand village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Shifting sands: can PESA save Jharkhand’s rivers from death knell?

PESA is not yet implemented in the state, but it holds the promise of environmental protection in future as gram sabhas are taking a stand against rampant sand mining from the rivers under their ambitRanchi, Jharkhand: Rohit Surin (35) does not need an expert opinion to assess the state of River Chhata that flows through his native Torpa town in the predominantly tribal Khunti district of Jharkhand. The river, once brimming with water, is now a pale shadow of its glorious self. “Illegal sand mining is going on in our area in the dark of the night. We have been protesting against it for a long time, and the gram sabha has strongly opposed it. We are continuously corresponding with the government officials to control mining,” Surin said exasperatedly.The block panchayat chief of Torpa, Surin added that uncontrolled sand mining was upsetting the environmental balance. “It is the sand that stops water in the river and helps maintain the water level. Removing sand lowers the water level,” he noted.Sand mining is one of the hotly debated topics in Jharkhand, especially during the monsoon months when sand mining from the state's rivers is banned from June 10 to October 15 as per the National Green Tribunal orders. Already there is a huge shortage of sand in the state, so mining ban aggravates the situation. There are two categories of sand ghats in Jharkhand. Category-1 ghats are managed by gram sabha, panchayat or panchayat samiti, as per the guidelines of the Jharkhand State Sand Mining Policy, 2017. The sand reserves of rivers and streams in areas coming under panchayats are exempted from mining lease and its control comes under panchayats.Sand stockyard in the village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters) The sand taken can be used only by people of that particular panchayat area for domestic work, community work, or under government schemes. The panchayats charge a nominal fee of Rs 100 for sand lifting. It is kept free from tax and royalty. The sand lifted under category-1 cannot be stored or transported to places outside that panchayat. Also, machines cannot be employed for extraction. The needs of the state's nearly 4,500 panchayats cannot be met from the total 235 category-1 ghats controlled by panchayats.  Category-2 sand ghats are commercial ghats and reserves managed by the state government through Jharkhand State Mineral Development Corporation Limited (JSMDC). They are allotted through JSMDC for a minimum period of five years. The number of category-2 sand ghats is almost double of category-1. However, only 23 of the total 444 such ghats are functional. In tribal areas coming under the provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), 1996, gram sabha approval is necessary to start sand mining. However, gram sabhas do not give approval in most cases. Secondly, there is difficulty in getting environmental and other clearances. A government reply in the State Assembly on July 31, 2024, stated that JSMDC has executed agreements with 148 mining developers and operators, of which only 35 have received environmental clearance from the State Level Environment Impact Assessment Authority.As many as 14 out of the total 24 districts and 2,027 out of the total 4,402 panchayats in the state are tribal areas falling under PESA. According to JSMDC sources, Khunti district faces the most problems due to not getting approval from the gram sabha citing environmental concerns. Acknowledging the concerns of gram sabhas, State Mines Director and JSMDC Managing Director Shashi Ranjan told 101Reporters that the PESA rules have not been framed in Jharkhand yet, hence gram sabhas are conducted in the same way in scheduled and non-scheduled areas. "When PESA rules are made, we will follow its provisions in scheduled areas,” he added.Balram, an expert in panchayati raj affairs, criticised the state government for its inability to frame PESA rules for the last 24 years. “If PESA guidelines are implemented in the state, panchayats and gram sabhas in at least the scheduled areas will become more empowered. They will be able to manage their resources better and stop illegal mining,” he hoped.On the complaint of water level going down in Torpa, JSMDC Ranchi sand mining section in-charge officer Karun Kumar Chandan told 101Reporters, "Sand is mined in accordance with the environmental permission from the Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change." In this regard, Surendra Kumar Dinkar, Executive Engineer, Public Health Engineering Department, Khunti district, told 101Reporters that since sand stores water, its mining should not happen in places from where the department gets water for supply in rural areas. Illegal sand mining in Damodar river (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)The cost of illegal mining Illegal sand mining has been increasing in Jharkhand, which reflects on both the FIRs filed and environmental damage caused. A question-answer session during the monsoon session of the State Assembly this year noted that 1,189 vehicles were seized, 301 FIRs were registered and a fine of Rs 256.62 lakh was collected in just a matter of three months (April to July) in the 2024-25 fiscal. The crime related to sand by year can be seen in the table given below. Financial year Number of vehicles FIR Fine (in lakh) 2019-20 2,237 448 172.75 2020-21 3,217 448 346.04 2021-22 2,608 441 417.62 2022-23 3,574 875 595.78 2023-24 3,459 1,048 565.60  A police station in-charge of Khunti district, on condition of anonymity, said that they faced lack of coordination in curbing illegal excavation and transportation of sand. “We depend on the mining department and its circle officer for further action in this matter, but many times we have to face indifference on their part. Moreover, Khunti was a Naxal-hit area in the past.” At present, Dormaa sand ghat covering 5.04 hectares in River Chhata in Torpa block is the only valid category-2 sand ghat in Khunti district. However, illegal mining is rampant in Bakaspur, Kauakhap (Karra block), Barkuli, Churgi, Diyakhel (all three in Torpa block) and Jarakhel (Rania block). This correspondent visited Kauakhap, situated amid the forest on the banks of River Karo, and saw heaps of sand and marks of tractor wheels at many places. According to sources in the Khunti Mining Department, Kauakhap is not a sand ghat. It is a forest area and raids are often conducted there.Action was taken against illegal trade and collection of sand in Bakaspur village, eight km from Kauakhap and falling in Karra block of Khunti district. This village is also situated on the Karo banks.Illegal trade and collection of sand in Bakaspur village, eight km from Kauakhap (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)"We take action under the Indian Forest Act in case of lifting of sand from the forest area and causing damage to the forest,” Khunti's District Forest Officer Dilip Yadav told 101Reporters, when asked about illegal mining. In 2023, 11 FIRs were registered in such cases in Khunti Forest Division. In 2024, five FIRs were registered till August 23. In Khunti district alone, 3.5 lakh CFT of sand was seized from April to August this year and a revenue of Rs 1.10 crore was collected from the auction of three lakh CFT of the seized sand. Anyone can participate in the auction of seized sand, but he has to sell that sand within a month. However, under the guise of invoices for the sand received from auction, the sand mafia tries to sell illegal sand as well.Sometimes, unwary residents are caught in the web of illegal sand mining, especially as there is an increasing trend of building pucca houses under Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana and Jharkhand government’s Abua Awas Yojana. Shivram Oraon (26) of Patratu Navatoli village of Kisco block of Lohardaga is one such person. On September 2, Senha Police seized his sand laden tractor at Medho near River Koel. “I was not aware of the sand lifting ban in monsoon months,” he said dejectedly. “I was not taking sand to sell it. I wanted to plaster my house being built under a government scheme,” he added.This correspondent saw the lifting and transportation of sand from rivers at many places during the ban period of August and September. The price of a tractor load of sand is Rs 2,000, but it doubles in the monsoon months.    There are 31 category-1 ghats in Lohardaga district, but they cannot meet the increasing needs of the rural population. Not a single category-2 ghat in the district is currently operational.   "We do not have a single commercial ghat in operation right now. There are 17 commercial ghats in our district, of which 13 have been auctioned recently. Sand mining will begin only after completing the environment clearance and other processes. We will soon auction the rest four ghats,” Rajaram Prasad, District Mining Officer, Lohardaga, told 101Reporters. Right now, Oraon is making rounds of Senha Police Station and Lohardaga District Mining Office to get his tractor released. He has no idea that a free sand distribution scheme was recently launched in the state to cater to the increasing construction demand and to stem illegal mining. Chief Minister Hemant Soren launched the free sand scheme for non-tax payers in the state from August 1 to December 31, 2024. For this, the user has to contact JSMDC, an identity card has to be created online and the reason for sand requirement should be explained. A user can get a maximum of 2,000 CFT or 20 tractors of sand.However, India Sand Watch founder Siddharth Aggarwal felt that common people may face technical problems due to the online process. "Before Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh had launched its free sand scheme. What is important is how such a scheme is designed and how it benefits not only the non-tax payers, but also the below poverty line population who get housing benefits from the Central and state governments,” Aggarwal noted.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - Karo River at Bakaspur Village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)

Municipal expansion far away, but Santal tribals still wary of change

Though the Dumka master plan did not take off due to protests against the move to bring villages under the city area, tribals still raise it in all venues possible in a bid to save their unique traditionDumka, Jharkhand: The fear of the uncertain is what the tribals of 39 villages around Dumka have been fighting for the last seven years. In July 2017, Jharkhand government issued a notification to include these villages and three census towns in the Dumka Municipal Council.The notification proposed two plans — ​​Dumka Master Plan Area that includes 39 surrounding villages and census towns of Rasikpur, Dudhani and Purana Dumka with the present Dumka city and the ​​Greater Dumka Planning Area with the inclusion of 93 villages. If the master plan is implemented, Dumka will become a category A city from its present category B. On the other hand, if the Greater Dumka plan is implemented, it will become a municipal corporation.Dumka town area in Sarua Panchayat, where there are markets, shops, car showrooms, but its status is Gram Panchayat (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Soon after the proposal, the villagers launched their protest against the merger. For the next one-and-a-half years, they staged demonstrations from time to time and expressed their opposition in many ways, which eventually stalled the expansion efforts.However, the tribals still see the stalled proposal as a threat to their tradition, culture and self-governance system. They are very sensitive about the issue and raise their voices against it in every possible way, like during a cultural programme or meeting.  Manjulata Soren (42), the elected representative (mukhiya) of Sarua panchayat, is relieved that the merger has not worked out yet. She hails from Jogidih village, which is just two km from Dumka city. "In 2017, we staged demonstrations in front of the deputy commissioner's office for almost six months. Women were the main participants as men have the responsibility to earn for their families,” said Manjulata.Bhim Prasad Mandal (60), president, Gram Pradhan Manjhi Sangathan Santal Pargana, an organisation of pradhans of six districts in Santal Pargana region, said that the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act, 1949, restricts the transfer of land belonging to the tribal community.The Act said that there are two types of land in Santal Pargana, the one that can be bought and sold and the other that cannot be bought or sold. However, even the second type of land is getting transferred to others these days. Residents are wary that other communities will have more access to their land if they become a part of the city."If our village joins the city, land transactions will increase. Houses will be built on the land on which tribal families survive by farming. When the demand increases, it could even be transferred to outsiders through gift deeds,” Mantu Marandi (45) of Sarua village told 101Reporters.Women of Jogidih village (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Keeping tradition close to heart  Dumka is the divisional headquarters of the Santal Pargana region of Jharkhand. Santal tribals form a majority of the population here. The tribe has its own self-governance system in place, namely manjhi pargana and pradhani shashan.The head of a Santal tribal village is called manjhi. Being a hereditary system, people from the same family are chosen as heads. Generally, men are the chiefs and in case of their death, their son or wife is elected as chief. Many times, women become leaders when a conflict over occupying the position crops up among the male members of the family or if the son has migrated for work.Sarua village pradhan (under the tribal self governance system) Sushila Hembram (38) took up that position in 2016, following the death of her husband Sanatan Baski. “For family division of land, we do not go through the legal procedure that non-tribals follow. In our families, we divide the land by holding a meeting in the village itself. It is done peacefully with mutual consent.”Sarua Panchayat Bhavan (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)In the meetings chaired by pradhan, land distribution, fights, family disputes and disputes between husbands and wives are resolved. Only in exceptional cases, a complaint reaches the police station or court.“Even while building a house, we do not have to get the plan approved by the authorities. We do not pay holding tax now. Had we been part of the city, this could have been an additional burden on our village,” Hembram detailed. She added that their religious places marang buru and jaher than and folk festivals Baha and Sohrai will also be affected if their village joined the city.“If there is a wedding or any function at someone's house, villagers help that family with an interest-free loan. This is a big relief to poor families,” Manjulata said.“To protect the interest of the tribals and their culture, it is necessary to maintain the traditional self-governance system. For this, it is necessary that the village should be allowed to remain a village,” said Pradeep Kumar Murmu (46), the younger son of Sabina Tudu, the pradhan of Jogidih and Karamdih villages in Sarua panchayat.Apart from pradhan, there are posts of paranik, nayaki, godet, jaga majhi and kudam nayaki, with different tasks assigned to them. Paraniks are the most powerful officials after pradhan. They act as arbitrators to resolve small disputes and quarrels in the Santal society.Nayakis are the priests of the Santal tribe, whose job is to conduct pujas and other religious rituals during sacred events at their places of worship. Godet conveys information and informs people to gather at one place for any event. Jaga majhi conducts the wedding rituals, while kudum nayaki conducts the shraddha rituals in case of a sacrifice or the death of someone in the society. Pradhan gets an honorarium of Rs 2,000 per month from the government, while other officials are given an honorarium of Rs 1,000. These six persons are responsible for the conduct of the village's traditions and other functions.Since 2008, pradhans have been getting Rs 1,000, which the state government increased to Rs 2,000 from January 1, 2019. Bhim Prasad believes that this is the result of their protest. “There are about 2,200 village heads and about 8,000 other officials in Dumka district and all of them get paid by the government in their bank accounts. There are 6,987 gram pradhans in six districts of Santal Pargana division. Our efforts are continuing to ensure that self-governance system office-bearers of other five districts also get paid,” said Mandal, who himself is the head of Malbhandaro village in Dumka block.This traditional governance system extends to non-santals and non-tribals, too. According to Mandal, in the pradhani self-governance system prevalent in Santal Pargana, 70% of the office-bearers are Santal tribals, while other tribal communities of Pahadias and Kols and people from non-tribal and Muslim communities also hold these posts.Jone Soren, who works as a master trainer of panchayati raj system with government agencies and various voluntary organisations in Dumka, said many laws will become ineffective or less effective if villages are included in the city. Tribal areas have the status of Scheduled Areas and come under the purview of the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, which will end in such a case.He added that the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act will become less effective as the city expands and the transfer and acquisition of land increases. “Self-governance system is a community-based system. If  it ends, the community and identity of the village will be gone. The nature of land will change and the tribal community’s places of worship will also be destroyed,” Jone warned.Sarua's pradhan Sushila Hembram (Photo sourced by Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)Fear of losing welfare schemesMary Steela Soren (30) of Jogidih in Sarua panchayat is concerned about the welfare schemes. “We benefit from the Didi Bari scheme, under which we have to set up a vegetable garden on one to five decimals of land. For this, wages of Rs 255 is provided as per the working days under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act [MGNREGA] scheme.”  Besides ensuring nutritious vegetables for the family’s use, the excess produce can also be sold in the market. According to Manjulata, about 100 women of her panchayat benefit from the scheme.  The Jharkhand government is working to provide permanent houses to the rural population deprived of the benefits of Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana. Under the Abua Housing Scheme, Rs 2 lakh is given to build a house of 31 sq m (6.12 m by 5.07 m). “About 40 houses have been approved under the scheme in the panchayat. Their first instalment has been deposited into their accounts,” said panchayat secretary Nasir Mian. However, as far as MGNREGA is concerned, there is not much demand for work here. "Because of its proximity to the city, people's attraction towards MGNREGA is less here. Only Rs 255 is received as wages per day. The money for material often gets stuck. Work is also not available every day, whereas in the city, people can work for Rs 300 to 350 per day,” Manjulata detailed.According to the information received from Dumka Municipal Council, there is no ongoing exercise regarding the expansion of Dumka city at the government level. City council sources said that it is true that inclusion of those villages in the city would impose a tax burden on them, but in return, the villagers would get many facilities. Executive Officer of Dumka Municipal Council Shitanshu Xalxo did not comment on the fate of the notification. Dumka's Welfare Officer Bijan Oraon told 101Reporters that the Welfare Department pays for the fencing of the Santal places of worship. They also contribute for repairs. “It is difficult to construct such sites in urban areas because land will not be easily available,” he agreed.Edited by Rekha PulinnoliCover Photo - The women of Jogidih are against the village merging with the city (Photo - Rahul Singh, 101Reporters)