Kelly Kislaya | Apr 2, 2019 | 8 min read
//please indicate which names have been changed?//
A
green 15-feet stone plaque mentioning various articles of the Indian
Constitution stands tall in Bhandra village of Khunti block in Jharkhand’s Khunti
district.
Called patthal in
the local language, the gram sabha installed it, in a process called pathalgadi, in 2017. Its purpose: Citing various
articles, namely 13(3), 19(5), 19(6) and others, it prohibits outsiders from
entering the village, doing any kind of business or job, and claiming that none
of the laws of Parliament or legislature can be implemented in the area, which
comes under the Constitution’s fifth schedule.
Sources
add that the administration is refraining from removing the plaque, fearing an
outburst from the villagers, which wouldn’t be the first.
Pulling the
strings from behind the scenes
Started
as a movement by tribals to protect their land in 2017, the Pathalgadi movement
gradually snowballed into something else, leading to numerous clashes between
the villagers, police personnel, and administration. Arrests of various
Pathalgadi leaders by late 2018 led to the movement dying down, officially; but
sources claim it is still operational under wraps. And one of the top leaders
of the movement, Yusuf Purty, the main accused, remains absconding.
However,
a few locals, in hushed voices, deal the ultimate blow — the movement may
influence a low voter turnout in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.
Among
the places where low turnout is expected are Kurunga, Kochang, Mochia, Chalkar,
Barudih, Longa, Naranga and a few more villages south of Arki block, Udburu,
Ardih, and Jikilata villages in Murhu block, and a few villages in Khunti
block.
The
gram pradhan of a village in Khunti says, “While we have tried to convince many
villagers to not be a part of this ‘new’ Pathalgadi, we are getting information
that meetings are being held in the middle of night to keep the movement alive.
“In
the December 2018 bypolls, some polling booths in these areas saw an abysmal
turnout. The same can be expected in the LS elections.”
Seconding
the gram pradhan, a social activist of Kurunga village says, “No votes were
cast in 20 booths in my village as well as in seven booths in neighbouring Sake
during the bypolls, and it is likely that the upcoming elections will be
boycotted too.”
This
activist is against the new movement and is so scared for his life that he doesn’t
stay in his village. “I go in the afternoon, if needed, and leave soon after.
People are not happy that I support the administration; hence, I am not safe there.”
It’s
the administration’s “extreme action” against the villagers in the name of “crushing
the movement” that has them simmering with anger and fear; and that’s what is
likely to affect the voting.
A
Khunti-based social activist says that during one of administration’s anti-Pathalgadi
drives, many innocent people were accused of sedition and thrown behind bars. “People
are terrified of the police after they framed some villagers. In such a
situation, why would they want to vote? And even if they do, they will
definitely not vote for the present government,” he adds.
From student to
breadwinner
Seventeen-year-old
Sonu Munda (name changed), whose gram pradhan father is behind bars for
allegedly being a Pathalgadi supporter, has been forced to take up work amid
his studies.
“Before
my father went to jail, I was focused on my studies, but now, the
responsibility of earning for the family is also on my shoulders. I have to
take care of my grandmother, mother, aunt, and sister,” he says.
Sonu’s
father, who was arrested last year, is currently in Ranchi Jail. Arranging money
to pay the lawyer and for frequent travel to the city has been worsening the
family’s situation. “I have been to Ranchi court twice and Khunti court seven
to eight times. Every visit costs around Rs 2,500. Farming is the only source
of income, but we do get some support from the gram sabha. However, there is no
outside help,” the teenager says.
He
adds that whether or not the village will vote in the upcoming elections is
still undecided. “The issue has not been discussed in the gram sabha.”
On
the other hand, Chitramu, a village neighbouring Sonu’s, pulled out from the
Pathalgadi movement, by removing the plaque, in 2018 and has been enjoying
government benefits since.
However,
Sonu’s argument is: “If there were schemes already, why weren’t they given
before the movement could start?”
Putting up
protection, one plaque at a time
The
gram pradhan of another village in Khunti, who is against the movement, explains
that Pathalgadi was a century-old tradition of the Munda tribes and involved
installing stone plaques to honour the dead or define the limits of a village.
“There
were four types of plaques — one to honour the dead and mentioning the
generations and work of the person, another installed under the trees bearing
names of those who died an unnatural death, a third put up in the names of couples
belonging to the same gotra who
married, leading to their banishment from the village, and the fourth one for
identifying a village’s limits,” he says.
“So,
I don’t understand this new type listing Constitution articles. It was never
there until recently.”
A
social activist adds that the new type came into being because the villagers wanted
to protect their lands.
“The
government was preparing to grab their land without their consent and a new
Pathalgadi movement was the way to stop it. The Constitution clearly states
that the land in the areas under the fifth schedule should be taken only with
the gram sabha’s permission; so, when the villagers saw that wasn’t being
complied with, they decided to start the movement,” he says.
However,
according to him, the movement was misrepresented. “It was the fear of losing
their land that led the villagers to do this. But the administration started
arresting innocents and lodging cases of sedition against villagers and
activists who were supporting the movement.”
But
the police have a different version: they say that while the villagers’
movement was about prohibiting entry to outsiders and administration officials,
not sending their children to school, and even planning to start their own
currency and banks, it was later hijacked by opium smugglers. “Opium farming is
done in many villages of Khunti, and opium dealers found this movement as an
opportunity to stop the police’s entry in the farming areas, to continue their
illegal work freely,” a police source reveals.
What really
happened from 2017 to 2018?
The
‘new’ Pathalgadi movement started in early 2017, when stone plaques announcing
gram sabha as the sovereign authority were installed in Kochang and a few other
neighbouring villages of Arki block. This proclamation of self-governance soon
spread to other villages in Arki, Murhu, and Khunti blocks.
On
August 24, 2017, Kanki villagers detained a team of policemen that broke the
barricades at the village’s entry point; though there was no plaque there, this
was one of the early Pathalgadi movement incidents.
On
June 19, 2018, five female social workers enacting a play at a school in
Kochang village were abducted and gang-raped. The police alleged the involvement
of two Pathalgadi supporters in the crime.
Then,
on June 26, the police raided Udburu village to arrest Purty. Though he wasn’t
arrested, his property was attached. The raid angered villagers and supporters,
who gathered in Ghaghra village and protested; because the police opened lathi-charge,
supporters abducted three armed guards of MP Kariya Munda and a policeman from
his house in Anigara village.
The
incident proved pivotal, leading to a massive crackdown by the administration
against Pathalgadi supporters. Officers say that, since then, around 36 leaders
have been arrested and 250 people booked under various charges.
In
July 2018, Chitramu village of Khunti became the first of the dozens to pull
down the Pathalgadi plaque, following which a development fair was organised there,
bringing many benefits for the villagers.
Mangal
Singh Pahan, a ward member of the village, says, “We joined the movement after
listening to its leaders; but soon, we realised that not taking government
schemes and not sending children to school wasn’t sensible. Hence, we removed
the plaque. This election, all of us are ready to vote.”
But rumour has it…
Many,
however, say the movement is still alive, even if in secret. A former mukhiya
of Murhi Panchayat says, “Kanki village, where policemen were kept prisoners in
2017, is still affected. While no one says anything openly, secret meetings are
held. The gram pradhan, Nathanial Munda, does not want to take any development
schemes and even fines villagers Rs 500 if they fail to turn up for gram sabha
meetings.
“We
are trying our best to convince all villagers to cast their vote in the
upcoming elections.”
Padma
Bhushan awardee and sitting MP of Khunti, Kariya Munda admits the movement
might have some impact on the upcoming elections. “It won’t be huge, but some supporters
of the movement might try to disrupt voting in interior areas. However, I don’t
think people will boycott the elections altogether.”
Despite
attempts, government officials refuse to comment on the issue and say giving
any kind of importance to it will only encourage the supporters to cause
problems.
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